Features

 

By: Prince Dadzie (Sir-Dadzie), Financial Analyst – UK

Between 2012 and 2016, President John Dramani Mahama addressed the Ghanaian public with polished State of the Nation Addresses (SONAs), often filled with promises of growth, transformation, and social development. But a closer look revealed a persistent pattern: those speeches frequently conflicted with the hard data and fiscal realities laid bare in the national budgets presented by his Finance Ministers.

Prince Dadzie (Sir-Dadzie)

The inconsistencies weren’t just propaganda, they had real implications for economic trust, public accountability, and the nation’s financial stability.

Now, in 2025, as Mahama returns to power, early signs suggest that the same troubling pattern is already re-emerging, and this time, Ghana might not bounce back as easily.

1. Growth Promises vs. Tight Realities
   In nearly every SONA from 2012–2016, Mahama projected bold GDP growth targets, often 8% or higher. But budget reports consistently showed slower growth and missed targets. Inflation often ran higher than projected.
   In 2025, Mahama again promises to stabilize the economy and spur growth, with the budget projecting a modest 3.1% growth. Yet he’s also pledging to honor all bond obligations, abolish key taxes, and scale up social spending. This is a risky blend, familiar from his first term, that could derail fiscal discipline if revenue disappoints.

2. Downplaying Debt While Digging Deeper
   In his earlier term, Mahama publicly dismissed concerns about debt levels, even as debt soared past 70% of GDP. Today, he claims debt will be brought under control. But the 2025 budget still shows high borrowing and ambitious spending plans. With the same strategy of heavy promises front-loaded into speeches and the hope that revenues will catch up later, Ghana risks repeating its past debt.

3. Grand Promises, Light Budgets
   Mahama’s speeches from both eras are packed with flashy programs: free sandals, school meals, hospitals, now joined by free tertiary education for persons with disabilities, and nationwide farming transformation. But many of these are either underfunded or lack execution detail in the actual budgets.
   For instance, while the SONA promises Farmer Service Centres in every farming district, the budget plans for only 50 across the entire country. This kind of Big Talk, Little Action is what plagued earlier programs like GYEEDA and school infrastructure promises.

4. Mismatch in Deficit Messaging
   Previously, Mahama used different deficit measures than his finance ministers, creating confusion over Ghana’s true fiscal health. The trend continues: in 2025, his SONA celebrates discipline while the budget admits missing 2024 targets and still plans for a 4.2% deficit.
   Unless there’s clarity, and honesty, about what numbers mean, the public is once again left navigating contradictory messages and questionable bookkeeping.

5. Tax Cuts Without a Safety Net
   In the 2025 budget, the Mahama administration has scrapped the E-Levy, betting tax, and other charges. That may sound like relief, but it comes as spending balloons and public debt remains high. It’s reminiscent of his earlier tenure, when rosy revenue forecasts failed to materialize, pushing Ghana back into the arms of the IMF.
   Without realistic planning, these cuts may prove fiscally reckless.

Why This Needs to Be Exposed

This isn’t just about bad math, it’s about broken trust, failed programs, and a nation circling back to the same fiscal cliff it barely stepped away from a decade ago. When numbers are fudged and promises oversized, it’s ordinary Ghanaians who pay the price, through currency depreciation, rising interest rates, and broken public services.
Where was the scrutiny in 2014 when social programs were announced without funding? Where were the follow-ups when debt doubled under the weight of election-year giveaways? If Parliament, the media, and civil society don’t step up now, they’ll be complicit in the replay. Silence won’t be neutral; it’ll be national sabotage.
The hard facts are ignored for popular opinion. It’s time we brought them back into the spotlight. We need genuine governance and integrity from our leaders, not public displays and excuses.
This isn’t just political déjà vu. It’s a slow return to the conditions that crippled Ghana’s economy a decade ago.

The question is: who’s going to stop it this time?

 

By :Kweku Quansah

To majority of Ghanaians looking, for place to defecate, it has been a daily struggle, similarly on every ordinary morning across the various towns and villages there is a universal human truth, and that is each one of us will need a toilet in the next second, minute or hour ahead of us.

Food may wait, clothing may change and technology may leap, but as our elders say, “the stomach has no calendar,” and the call of nature does not wait for any man, woman or child. Toilets in modern times are no longer luxuries nor for the rich.

They are instruments of dignity, protectors of health, enablers of safety, promoters of productivity, and defenders of our rivers, soils and climate. A toilet is a simple room, yet it carries the power to transform a household, a community and a nation.

This year’s World Toilet Day is being commemorated, under the theme “We will always need the toilet,” Ghana has an opportunity to remind itself and the world that sanitation is not an aspiration; it is a right, a necessity, and a moral duty we owe one another
Across the country, progress has been made, but the journey ahead remains steep. Recent data from the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme tells us that the world is struggling to meet the 2030 SDG sanitation target, and Ghana is no exception.

Kweku Quansah

Our population now hovers around 35 million, living in just under 9.75 million households with an average household size of 3.6, yet millions of homes still lack toilets. As recently as 2021, official national report showed that only about 59.3% of households had a toilet to use. Despite the continuous investment, policy enforcement and development support, a significant gap remains. About 4.3 million Ghanaian households still lack toilets in their homes.

The old proverb says, “The one who fetches water is the one who sees how deep the pot is.” Though we have fetched enough water, we still have a lot of work to do.
Open defecation remains a stubborn challenge. With 17.7% of our population, nearly six million people, still defecate in the open. Behind that figure lies a story of risk: girls and women who fear venturing into the bushes, beaches and uncompleted buildings at dawn or dusk; families that are exposed to cholera, typhoid and diarrhoeal diseases; farmers and communities downstream consuming foods irrigated with faecal contaminated and polluted water; school children who need to choose between holding their bladder and abandoning classes; visitors who quietly judge us not by our speeches, but by the smell around our public spaces. When we speak of dignity, it begins with access to toilets, when we speak of tourism, investment, modern cities and global competitiveness, they begin largely with access to toilets.
However, the story is not only one of gaps, it is also a story of ambition and achievement. Ghana has proven that when we commit, we deliver. The GAMA/GKMA Sanitation and Water Project stands as a shining example: more than 76,000 household toilets constructed by April 2025, six hundred and nine gender-sensitive, child-friendly institutional facilities completed, and thousands of families lifted from indignity to pride, World Vision’s sanitation programmes, GoG-UNICEF WASH Programme, private-sector partnerships, and committed community level NGOs and volunteers among so many other interventions have helped declare hundreds of communities open-defecation-free in recent times. The evidence is clear, when finance meets political will, when local artisans are trained, when micro-loans are available, and when poor households are supported, sanitation transforms lives, brings dignity and ensures sustainable livelihoods and productivity.
Building toilets alone is very good but not enough, the Sustainable Development Goal 6 is not only about “toilet for all,” but also about “safely managed sanitation for all.” That means toilets that contain faecal waste properly, that are emptied and transported safely, and that lead to treatment and reuse without polluting water bodies or the environment.

Today, only about 16% of Ghanaians have safely managed sanitation. That means more than 8 million households still need a safe service chain. We must therefore think beyond structures and embrace systems.

A toilet without proper containment is only half a solution; a pit left to overflow becomes a hazard; a household that cannot afford emptying will return to old practices; a treatment plant without sludge becomes dormant; a regulation without enforcement becomes decoration.

As our tradition reminds us, “The cooking pot that has no lid invites flies.” We must close the sanitation loop tightly, from construction to treatment, so that no Ghanaian is left behind and no community suffers unnecessarily.
There are bright examples across the country. In densely populated compound houses in Accra and Kumasi, biodigester toilets have replaced shared, dilapidated latrines and shameful backyard corners.

Many schools have shifted from “build and abandon” to facilities run under maintenance arrangements with small user fees, school committees and school health clubs. Faecal sludge operators have modernised operations with trucks, pumping equipment and digital payment systems. District assemblies have begun to map toilet gaps, enforce sanitation bye-laws and link households to artisans and microfinance. Dohia, a farming community in Agortime-Ziope District in the Volta region has shown that with respect, mobilisation, and small seed funds to support early adopters, open defecation can become history. These stories are proof: Ghanaian communities do not lack willingness; they only need opportunity, support and coordination.

Moving forward, our Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies must continue to lead the charge. Every district should enforce its sanitation bye-laws fairly and firmly, not to punish the poor, but to protect public health. Landlords must understand that providing a toilet in their properties for tenants, is not a favour, it is a duty. Assemblies should publish approved toilet technologies, their cost, and list of trained artisans to guide household decisions.

They should host sanitation fairs, support micro-loan desks and reward communities and landlords who take decisive action towards improved sanitation. They must plan by mapping out households without toilets, identifying open-defecation hotspots,

scheduling desludging routes, and ensuring treatment facilities operate to standard. As we say, “If you want a child to climb a tree, you show the branch.” Leadership must show the branch, supporting affordable solutions, flexible payment terms and technical guidance, then the people will climb.

The private sector also has a defining role to play. Sanitation is not a charity; it is an opportunity to improve lives while creating jobs and investment. Suppliers must provide affordable, quality toilet packages but not sub standard quick fixes. Desludging operators must expand coverage, adopt digital service platforms and cluster services to reduce cost.

Treatment plant operators must process sludge safely and explore resource recovery like compost, energy, soil conditioners as part of sustainable business models. Innovation must continue, flood-resistant toilets in climate-vulnerable zones, micro-treatment systems for densly populated communities, shared-facility models in compound houses, and financial products tailored to urban poor and rural households. The last 20% of communities, popularly called the “last mile communities”, are hardest to reach and hardest to serve, require our best creativity and compassion using business “un-usual” approach.
Financing remains essential. A typical improved household toilet costs between GHC3,000 and GHC5,000. For many families, this is manageable with instalment payments, for the poorest, targeted subsidies or results-based support remain necessary. Blended finance, combining public funds, development assistance and household investment, will surely close the current yawning access gap.
Some may ask, “Why the urgency?” Because every month delayed keeps children out of school, girls unsafe, families sick, health facilities overwhelmed, and rivers polluted. The world is off-track for SDG 6.2, but Ghana can accelerate. We can be the example Africa points to, not because we have the best brains, but because we are group of determined people. As our elders say, “When the roots are deep, there is no reason to fear the wind.” We have strong roots in policy, in experience, in community mobilisation. We now need upscale our interventions, speed up our efforts and show consistency.
For this year’s World Toilet Day, we need to make a promise not just to build toilets, but to build dignity, resilience and shared responsibility. Government should lead with clear directives, predictable enforcement and public scorecards. In midst of all the global financial challenges, WASH development partners must sustain financing for district-level systems. Landlords must fulfil their civic duty of providing improved toilet facilities in their properties. Communities must reject open defecation. Media and faith leaders must speak boldly, whilst the private sector continue to innovate to make sanitation affordable, accessible and sustainable. Ghana has always known that dignity is development. A toilet behind every door is a safety for women and girls; it is opportunity for school children; it is cleanliness for markets and beaches; it is health for villages and cities; it is pride for our future.
With the right blend of policy leadership, local action, private-sector partnership and citizen responsibility, Ghana can close the sanitation gap. Let us continue to work diligently to ensure every household in Ghana gets a place they could call a toilet, where every child, every visitor, every community can say we have arrived. This is because we will always need the toilet and the toilet will give us dignity, health, productivity and peace of mind. Happy World Toilet Day to all Ghanaians. May every Ghanaian home find dignity behind a toilet door that locks, a handwashing facility that flows, and a service chain that works for today, tomorrow and the generations to come.

The writer is a Public Health Practitioner and a Fellow of West African Postgraduate College of Environmental Health (WAPCEH)
E-Mail: kwekuquansah@gmail.com

 

By Nana Kofi Barfour | nbobonsu@gmail.com

In an age when nations rise on the backs of visionaries, Ghana seems caught in a paradox: the celebration of mediocrity has become a value. While that is not enough, we are silentlydismantling its makers. Few stories capture this paradox better than that of Alex Apau Dadey, the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, a man whose vision, enterprise, and philanthropic spirit have reshaped parts of Ghana’s economic and social landscape, yet whose journey mirrors the silent betrayal of the very builders driving the nation forward.
“In Ghana, the cost of building often exceeds the profit of dreaming.”

Mr.Alex Dadey

The Story—The Man Behind the Vision

Alex Apau Dadey is not your conventional tycoon. His story is not written in political privilege but in persistence, purpose, and patriotism. As the Executive Chairman of KGL Group, he has built one of Ghana’s most dynamic technology-driven conglomerates, touching sectors from fintech and gaming to logistics, e-commerce, and social development.
It is not his business acumen that sets him apart, but his belief that Ghana can progress on the strength of its own innovation. Under his stewardship, KGL Group has become a central player in Ghana’s digitalized economy, revolutionizing systems that have enhanced transparency, accountability, and financial inclusion.
Those who know him speak of a man both visionary and vulnerable, human in his flaws, yet unwavering in his pursuit of progress. One can only say that his quiet strength lies in seeing opportunity where others see obstacles and in building solutions that serve both profit and purpose.
“For Alex Apau Dadey, enterprise is not about power; it’s about people. Not about profit, but progress.”
The Impact—Transforming Vision into Tangible Change
Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has under Dadey’s leadership KGL Group has transformed itself into more than a business; it has

The Group’s KGL Technology Limited has digitized key activities within the National LotteryAuthority (NLA), resulting in increased efficiency, accountability, and state revenue collection. The company’s digital technologies have greatly increased government revenue from gaming operations, directing hundreds of millions of cedis into the Consolidated Fund to support public initiatives.
Beyond gaming, KGL’s investments in fintech, mobile payments, and digital distribution, through businesses such as KGL Payments and Digital Distribution Hub, have increased thousands of Ghanaians’ access to financial services. The company’s position in modernizing payment systems directly helps Ghana’s digital economy strategy, which is championed by initiatives such as Digital Ghana.
Corporate Social Responsibility & Human Development
But Mr. Dadey’s vision stretches far beyond boardrooms and servers. Through the KGL Foundation, he has redefined corporate social responsibility as a moral and national duty.
In education, KGL funds scholarships for brilliant but underprivileged students, builds ICT centers, and supports school feeding initiatives while partnering with hospitals and NGOs to improve maternal and child healthcare through the group’s foundation, especially in rural communities in health. In sports, KGL is a major sponsor of the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and grassroots sporting activities, ensuring the next generation of athletes have both opportunity and hope.
These interventions align directly with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), promoting education, health, employment, and innovation. Under Dadey’s leadership, KGL is not only generating revenue but also building social infrastructure for Ghana’s future.
“He builds in silence, gives without cameras, and transforms without applause.”
The Challenges—When Vision Meets Resistance
Yet behind the glow of progress lies a darker truth: vision in Ghana often attracts suspicion. Despite KGL Group’s undeniable contributions to revenue mobilization and social development, the company has not been spared the murky undercurrents of politics and institutional hostility.
In recent years, the Group has found itself navigating a maze of regulatory hurdles, delayed approvals, and bureaucratic resistance from state agencies that once praised its work. What should be partnerships for progress have too often become contests of power and perception.Within business circles, this phenomenon has earned a name, “Economic Witch-Hunting is a quiet but corrosive culture where successful enterprises are viewed not as allies in development but as rivals in influence.
From stalled policy approvals to strategic attempts to curtail KGL’s dominance in digital operations, it is seen by industry players and many others as evidence of a broader pattern, what some call “Strategic Crippling.” In such an environment, success becomes a liability.
The irony is glaring. The same digital initiatives that improved government revenue and employment opportunities are now being met with skepticism, fueled by political insecurities rather than economic logic. Instead of applauding homegrown innovation, certain public actors have chosen to distrust and dismantle it, all in the name of “regulation.”
For Alex Apau Daddy, these challenges have been both personal and institutional. Navigating through the maze of unspoken political allegiances and administrative sabotage, he has had to balance corporate diplomacy with moral conviction. Yet, through it all, he remains steadfast, believing that time, truth, and tangible impact will outlive propaganda.
The implications for Ghana’s economy are chilling. When institutions turn innovation into intimidation, investors, both local and foreign, lose confidence, and progress grinds to a halt.It is a self-inflicted wound, a betrayal not of one man or company, but of Ghana’s own development aspirations.
The greater tragedy, however, lies not in his trials but in what they say about Ghana’s development climate. How can a nation claim to seek economic transformation while sabotaging the very visionaries driving it?
“We cannot build a digital nation while digitally disabling our visionaries.”
Reflective Thoughts—When Greatness Goes Uncelebrated
At its core, the story of Alex Apau Dadey is not just about business; it is a mirror reflecting Ghana’s uneasy relationship with success. We praise visionaries until their light shines too brightly. We celebrate entrepreneurs until they start changing systems. Then we see them as a threat and call them dangerous. His journey mirrors this national paradox.
We glorify politics and ignore production; we exalt rhetoric and silence results. And yet, Mr. Dadey’s journey stands as a reminder that true patriotism is not spoken; it is built. He continues to invest, to employ, to empower, and to believe in a Ghana that sometimes fails to believe in him. Here is a man who has generated employment, supported national revenue, and contributed to social development, yet remains more scrutinized than celebrated.
His story raises uncomfortable questions about Ghana’s relationship with success: Why do we treat excellence as suspicion? Why do we measure patriotism by politics, not productivity?And why do we allow institutional pettiness to cripple innovation
If Ghana truly wants sustainable development, it must start by protecting, not persecuting, its visionaries. Because nations don’t rise by accident. They rise because men and women like Alex Apau Dadey dare to build when others are busy tearing down.
“When history is written, it will not remember those who spoke the loudest; it will remember those who built the longest.”
Sidebar: The KGL Footprint in National Development
• Revenue Mobilization: Digitization partnership with NLA generating hundreds of millions in state revenue.
• Employment Creation: Thousands of direct and indirect jobs across technology, finance, logistics, and customer support sectors.
• Education Support: Scholarships and ICT training through KGL Foundation.
• Sports Development: Key sponsor of GFA and youth football programs.
• Health Initiatives: Rural clinic support and health campaigns under SDG alignment.
Final Reflection
So here lies the irony: A man whose vision modernized systems, funded education, and supported communities is still viewed with suspicion by the very state that benefits from his success. How many more visionaries like Alex Apau Dadey must Ghana quietly crucify before realizing they are its greatest national treasures?
By Nana Kofi Barfour
Contact: nbobonsu@gmail.com

By:𝐊𝐰𝐚𝐛𝐞𝐧𝐚 𝐅𝐫𝐢𝐦𝐩𝐨𝐧𝐠, 𝐌𝐒𝐜
𝐎𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐒𝐚𝐟𝐞𝐭𝐲, 𝐇𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡 & 𝐄𝐧𝐯𝐢𝐫𝐨𝐧𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐌𝐚𝐧𝐚𝐠𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐭

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/15csamCtZN/

As an Occupational Safety, Health and Environmental Management Expert, I am deeply saddened by the tragic outcome of the recent Ghana Armed Forces (GAF) recruitment screening exercise, an event that should have been routine, yet resulted in the loss of six young lives, 28 injuries, 12 critical cases, and 5 admissions to intensive care.

In the 21st century, it is unacceptable that a standard screening process, designed to identify capable recruits, could become a site of such tragedy. This incident highlights a serious breach of basic occupational health and safety principles and a failure in crowd management planning by the organizers.

With prior knowledge of the expected number of applicants nationwide, the GAF and Ministry of Defence had every opportunity to implement preventive safety measures. A well-structured screening plan would have significantly minimized the risks of overcrowding, exhaustion, and medical emergencies.

To prevent such unfortunate incidents in the future, the following measures are strongly recommended:

1. Scheduled Screening System: Applicants should be assigned specific dates and times to appear, based on pre-registration numbers, to reduce overcrowding.

2. Orderly Queuing and Access Control: Screening lines should operate on a first-come, first-served basis, with adequate supervision and crowd control measures.

3. Early Deployment of Screening Officers: Officers should be present ahead of time to maintain order, manage queues, and identify potential risks early.

4. Multiple Screening Teams: Increasing the number of screening stations or teams can reduce waiting time and physical strain on applicants.

5. Emergency Medical Support: Ambulance and first aid services should be on-site throughout the exercise to respond promptly to health emergencies.

6. Adequate Shelter and Rest Areas: Shaded seating arrangements and hydration points should be mandatory to prevent heat stress and fatigue.

 

I therefore urge all stakeholders particularly the GAF, Ministry of Defence, and related agencies to temporarily suspend the ongoing screening process. A restructured, safety-compliant scheduling system should be implemented, allowing applicants to receive individual notifications via text message or a unique digital code issued by the HR/IT department for specific time and day slots.

No recruitment drive should cost human lives. Every process must uphold the fundamental principles of safety, health, and human dignity.

 

Tanzania was the first African country to start mobile money interoperability. In 2014, it pioneered the introduction of interoperability between mobile money operators, with initial bilateral agreements signed that year between providers like Airtel and Tigo Pesa. This marked the continent’s first such system, enabling transfers across different networks. Full market-wide interoperability was achieved by 2016 when Vodacom (M-Pesa) joined, but the start dates to 2014.

Ghana started the process for Mobile Money Interoperability in 2016 under John Mahama’s government, and eventually succeeded in 2018 under Akufo-Addo’s government, but Tanzania holds the pioneering position in Africa.

Tanzania was also the first country globally to start Mobile Money Interoperability.

While mobile money services launched earlier elsewhere (e.g., Kenya in 2007, Philippines in 2004), interoperability—allowing seamless transfers between competing providers—was still rare and in its infancy worldwide at that time.

Tanzania’s 2014 rollout set the global precedent, as confirmed by regulatory and industry analyses noting it as the pioneering example before expansions in Africa and beyond.

Even in Ghana, the idea of implementing Mobile Money Interoperability started under the first term of Mahama’s government, commencing in 2016, with the contract awarded to Sibton Switch Systems Limited(SSSL) by the Bank of Ghana.

The Akufo-Addo’s government terminated the contract of Sibton Switch Systems Limited(SSSL) in 2017 citing inflated cost of GHS 4.6 billion($1.2 billion at exchange rate of about $1 to 3.84ghc in 2016). The parent company of SSSL is Sibton Communications Limited.

Therefore, John Mahama’s government was the pathfinder for Mobile Money Interoperability in Ghana, and Akufo-Addo’s government led the successful continuation of the Mobile Money Interoperability in Ghana which was under the direction of the Bank of Ghana aided by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

These are the real facts about Mobile Money Interoperability. It is never true that, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia started Mobile Money
Interoperability in Ghana, Africa, and the World. We need to speak the truth even if it hurts.

It is also incorrect to say that Mobile Money Interoperability created over 900, 000 jobs in Ghana because there is no proper scientific data supporting this mentioned figure. Majority of Momo vendors were already in business before the commencement of Mobile Money Interoperability in Ghana.

Issued by: Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)

 

 

The Data below(flyer attached to this Article) shared by Dr. Prince Hamid Armah, a member of “Rich Ideas Camp” shows that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the Worst Presidential Candidate under 8year cycle of change of government.

Ghana has experienced 8year cycle of change of government since 1992 and these changes were experienced in 2000, 2008, 2016, and 2024.

The Analysis of Data shared by Dr. Prince Hamid Armah indicate that:

The data

1. Mills lost 2000 election with a difference of 13.8%, and 92 Parliamentary Seats.

2. Nana Akufo-Addo lost 2008 election with a difference of 0.46%, and 107 Parliamentary Seats.

3. John Mahama lost 2016 election with a difference of 9.44%, and Parliamentary Seats of 104.

Razak Kojo Opoku PhD

1. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost 2024 election with a difference of 14.94%, and Parliamentary Seats of 88.

The aforementioned data shows that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia performed POORLY in 2024.

Mathematically, let do a simple analysis per the data generated by Bawumia’s camp which was shared by Dr. Prince Armah on Facebook in terms of Presidential Performance:

1. Bawumia(2024) minus Mills(2000) = 1.14% (14.94 – 13.8)

This implies that Mills did better than Bawumia comparatively, and again remember that Mills lost 2000 after 2nd round unlike Bawumia who poorly lost 2024 in the 1st round.

Dr.Mahamadu Bawumia

Also, Mills was marketed by NDC for only 4 years before 2000 presidential election unlike Dr. Bawumia who was marketed for 16 years by NPP before the 2024 presidential election.

1. Bawumia(2024) minus Akufo-Addo(2008) = 14.48% (14.94 – 0.46)

Remember that Akufo-Addo lost 2008 election after 2nd round unlike Bawumia who poorly lost 2024 in the 1st round. It also imply that, Nana Akufo-Addo performed EXTREMELY WELL & SIGNIFICANTLY BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.

1. Bawumia(2024) minus Mahama(2016) = 5.5% (14.94 – 9.44)

Remember that both Mahama and Bawumia lost the 2016 and 2024 respectively in the 1st round, and the data show that Mahama did better than Bawumia.

Also, carefully comparing the Parliamentary Performance, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia came across as a WEAK LEADER for the 2024 general election, and the facts backing it are as follows:

1. NDC(2000) minus NPP(2024) = 4 Seats(92 – 88)

2. NPP(2008) minus NPP(2024) = 19 Seats (107 – 88)

3. NDC(2016) minus NPP(2024) = 16 Seats(104 – 88)

Let’s also appreciate that Parliamentary Seats difference between:
1. NPP and NDC in 2000 per Bawumia’s own data was 8 Seats(100-92)

1. NDC and NPP in 2008 per Bawumia’s own data was 8 Seats (115 – 107)

2. NPP and NDC in 2016 per Bawumia’s own data was 65 Seats (169 – 104)

3. NDC and NPP in 2024 per Bawumia’s own data was 96 Seats (184 – 88)

Everything shows that Mahama did extremely better in 2016 than Bawumia in 2024 even in terms of Parliamentary election.

… Signed….
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute

 

 

Illegal small-scale mining, popularly known as galamsey, has become one of the greatest threats to Ghana’s survival. From poisoned rivers to destroyed cocoa farms, the menace continues to cripple the economy, endanger public health, and erode the natural environment.

Despite years of campaigns, galamsey persists, raising questions about whether Ghana is truly winning this fight. Experts say the solution lies in an integrated strategy that balances law, technology, and citizens as three powerful pillars in the battle against galamsey.

The causes of galamsey are complex and interconnected. Unemployment and poverty have pushed thousands of young people into illegal mining as their only means of survival. Rising global demand for gold makes the trade lucrative, while weak enforcement of mining laws allows offenders to escape justice. Corruption and political interference have further deepened the problem, with some financiers and operators receiving protection from powerful figures.

George Akom

In addition, bureaucracy and high costs make it difficult for small-scale miners to acquire legal concessions, forcing them to operate illegally. The absence of alternative livelihoods in affected communities has only worsened dependence on mining.
The effects of galamsey are devastating and far-reaching.

Economically, Ghana loses about US$2 billion every year through gold smuggling and unregulated mining. More than 2.5 million hectares of forest cover have been lost within a decade, while cocoa production has dropped sharply as about 30 percent of farmlands in mining regions have become unproductive.

The situation has also driven up the cost of water treatment. For instance, turbidity in some water systems has risen from 100 NTU to over 7,000 NTU as a result of mining-related siltation.
The health consequences are equally alarming.

Mercury levels in soils around galamsey sites average 56 parts per million (ppm), with some areas recording as high as 1,342 ppm, far above the World Health Organization’s safe limit of 10 ppm. Arsenic concentrations have exceeded 10,000 ppm in certain regions, exposing entire communities to toxic poisoning. Long-term exposure to such heavy metals causes kidney failure, liver damage, respiratory illnesses, neurological disorders, and developmental problems in children. Many rivers, which once served as sources of drinking water, have become heavily contaminated and unsafe.

The environmental and social costs cannot be ignored. More than 60 percent of Ghana’s rivers and streams are now polluted, with many classified as being in critical condition. Deforestation, soil erosion, and siltation have worsened, leading to a loss of biodiversity and further contributing to climate change. Communities have also been torn apart by conflicts between miners, residents, and security agencies. The destruction of natural resources not only undermines present livelihoods but also threatens the survival of future generations.

Despite several interventions, the fight against galamsey has been fraught with difficulties. A lack of political willpower continues to weaken enforcement efforts, as some leaders hesitate to act decisively for fear of losing electoral support. Corruption remains a major obstacle, with certain state officials and traditional leaders enabling or directly benefiting from galamsey operations. Weak institutional capacity, marked by limited logistics and manpower, prevents regulators from executing their mandates effectively.

In addition, widespread poverty and unemployment keep driving people into the trade, while insecurity and intimidation silence communities and individuals who would otherwise speak out.
To overcome these challenges, an integrated strategy anchored on law, technology, and citizens is necessary.

The legal framework must be strengthened, with existing laws enforced without political interference. Harsher penalties, including custodial sentences, asset seizures, and heavy fines, must be introduced to deter offenders and financiers.

Fast-track courts should be established to ensure swift prosecution of galamsey cases, while government agencies must improve coordination to close the loopholes exploited by illegal miners.

Technology must also be at the center of the fight. The use of drones and satellites can provide real-time monitoring of illegal mining activities, while Geographic Information Systems (GIS) can help map and track encroachments on mining and protected areas. Internet of Things (IoT) sensors should be deployed to monitor water quality, offering early warnings of pollution in rivers and streams.

At the same time, safer and more environmentally friendly mining technologies should be promoted among licensed small-scale operators to reduce destructive practices. Data-driven decision-making must guide the allocation of resources and enforcement strategies.
Citizens, too, must be part of the solution. Communities should be empowered to act as watchdogs by reporting galamsey activities safely and anonymously.

Public education campaigns are needed to raise awareness about the dangers of galamsey to water security, agriculture, and public health. More importantly, government and non-governmental organizations must provide alternative livelihoods in agriculture, aquaculture, and vocational training to reduce reliance on illegal mining. Civil society groups, faith-based organizations, and the media must sustain advocacy, while chiefs and traditional authorities must be held accountable for protecting lands under their jurisdiction.
The statistics are chilling: billions of dollars lost annually, more than half of Ghana’s water bodies polluted, and toxic chemicals poisoning communities.

Yet, the fight against galamsey can be won if law, technology, and citizens work together in a unified strategy. The stakes are high. Ghana’s survival, the well-being of future generations, and the health of millions depend on urgent and decisive action.
By George Akom- Educationist, Information Systems and Governance Analyst
0243387291

Source: tntnewspapergh.com

George Akom, a Governance Analyst, has expressed concern about the recent political turmoil in Ghana which is spreading fast in our national and party politics.

He indicated that apart from political violence which has become a canker, the recent political character assassination is eroding the trust in democracy.

In very democracy, disagreement is natural. Citizens expect politicians to argue about ideas, policies, and priorities.

 

George Akom
Yet, more often than not, the battlefield shifts from issues to individuals. Instead of debating solutions, political actors invest energy in destroying reputations. This tactic — known as character destruction or character assassination — is as old as politics itself, but in today’s media environment it has become sharper, faster, and more damaging.

Character destruction goes beyond criticism. It is a calculated attempt to damage a leader’s credibility and moral standing by focusing on private behaviour, personal traits, or identity. It is not about policies or performance but about framing the person as unfit to serve. These attacks may come in the form of smear campaigns, rumors, manipulated scandals, or even targeted social media harassment.

The method is effective because human beings are more likely to remember negative stories than positive ones. A short allegation such as “he is corrupt” or “she is untrustworthy” often sticks longer than any complex rebuttal. The modern media cycle — fueled by viral social media posts — amplifies these attacks at lightning speed. Even when false, they leave a stain that is difficult to erase.
Research shows that survival often depends on context. If the attack comes from a powerful rival and is widely amplified in the press, the damage is greater. If the politician responds quickly and credibly, or if the media exercises restraint, the target stands a better chance of recovery.
Not all politicians face these attacks equally. Women and minority leaders are more likely to be hit with gendered or identity-based insults, which exploit existing social stereotypes. Reformers and outsiders also tend to be vulnerable because they threaten established interests.

Meanwhile, incumbents with strong party backing and loyal media allies sometimes weather even the harshest accusations.
The real victim of character destruction is not only the politician but the democratic system itself. When smear campaigns dominate headlines, citizens lose trust in politics. Policy issues such as jobs, education, and healthcare are overshadowed by scandal. Polarization deepens as voters are encouraged to see opponents not as rivals but as enemies. Worst of all, honest voices may be silenced because they fear being personally attacked.

The answer is not to shield leaders from accountability. Politicians must face legitimate scrutiny for their actions in office. But societies need guardrails to separate fair criticism from reputational warfare.

He enumerated that the under-listed measures must be adopted to solve the menace of character assassination in politic;
Politicians should invest in rapid-response strategies, offering timely, evidence-based replies instead of trading insults
Journalists must verify allegations before publication and avoid sensationalizing unverified claims.
Citizens have a role too — by questioning sources, resisting the urge to spread rumors, and focusing on issues over personalities.
Platforms can reduce the damage by labeling or slowing the spread of unverified content.

Conclusion
Character destruction in politics is not new, but its impact today is more corrosive. Democracies thrive when debates focus on ideas, not insults. As voters, journalists, and leaders, the responsibility is shared: to ensure that political competition remains robust, honest, and issue-driven. Only then can citizens trust that their leaders are chosen for their vision and competence, not for their skill in surviving smear campaigns.

 

1. Built a US$6 million cardio‑thoracic Centre at the 37 Military Hospital.

2. Contributed US$100,000 to train hospital staff on operating the cardio‑center.

3. Was among the first politicians to support Ghana’s COVID‑19 fight, donating US$1 million.

4. Donated 200 hospital beds to bolster COVID‑19 treatment capacity.

Kennedy Ohene Agyapong

1. Supplied 100,000 face‑masks, 100,000 gloves, and 10,000 hand‑sanitizers to support health ministries.

2. Gave US$145,000 to KATH’s Oncology department to repair radiotherapy equipment and provide beds.

3. Donated 1,000 kVA generator to Tamale Teaching Hospital during Ghana’s power crisis.

Support for Hospitals and Maternity

1. GHC 120,000 to Assin Fosu RC Hospital to cover newborns’ bills for over 600 infants.

2. GHC 100,000 to Agogo Hospital (Ashanti Region) to improve facilities.

3. GHC 50,000 for Assinman Nursing & Midwifery, and for classroom block expansions at Obiri Yeboah and St. Francis Hospital.

Party Loyalty & Infrastructure Support

1. Founding member of the Danquah‑Busia Club (1991), instrumental in NPP’s 1992 formation.

2. Secured and personally repaid a US$3 million loan to fund early NPP activities.

3. Donated pickup vehicles to constituencies to boost party operations.

4. Specifically gave 15 pickups (1996), 50 pickups (2000), and 100 pickups (2004)

5. Provided 245 Tata pickups and 77 Russian‑made trucks (sprayed in NPP colours) in 2008.

6. Contributed US$2 million during the 2008 presidential runoff campaign.

7. Single‑handedly sponsored the 2014 NPP national congress during financial challenges.

8. In 2016, funded 120 out of 240 pickups purchased for the party, and donated 11 containers of clothes to constituents.

9. Bailed out an NPP-independent MP for GHC 1 million plus GHC 0.5 million loan to secure a parliamentary majority.

Health & Agricultural Investments

1. Leading construction of a US$6 million cardiac & dialysis center, including sponsoring 11 Ghanaian medical officers to train in India.

2. Donated five fish ponds (1 km each) to the Ghana Armed Forces at Atwima Kwanwoma for food security support.

3. Spent USD 143,000 to service a cancer machine at KATH.

4. His companies are constructing the largest cold store in Africa, plus Africa’s largest steel factory and a starch processing facility in Atebubu-Amanteng—creating thousands of jobs.

Humanitarian and Social Impact

1. Has employed over 7,000 people globally, set to reach 10,000 by 2024.

2. Repatriated 1,000 stranded Ghanaian women from Lebanon, funding their rescue.

3. Supported victims of severe flooding in Ashaiman in 2002.

4. In 2023, donated 500 bags of rice and boxes of cooking oil to conflict-affected communities in the Upper East Region.

5. Poured another GHC 3.5 million into NPP operations ahead of the national delegates’ conference to ensure logistics and success.

Source:NATIONALIST COMM. BUREAU

 

Since 1992 there has been four experiences of 8 years cycle of change of government namely 2000, 2008, 2016, and 2024.

FACTS & DATA prove that, 2024 is the worst defeat ever experienced by a ruling party. Below is just a summary of the presidential and parliamentary performances of NPP & NDC:

2000 General Election

John Kufuor = 56.90%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 99

Atta Mills = 43.10%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 92

The NPP won 2000 general elections after second round.

Raw Data Score difference between Kufuor & Mills = 881, 139 votes

Percentage difference between Kufuor & Mills = 13.8%

Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 7

2008 General Election

Atta Mills = 50.23%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 116

Akufo-Addo = 49.77%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 107

The NDC won 2008 general election after second round + Tain Constituency.

Raw Data Score difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 40, 586 votes

Percentage difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 0.46%

Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 9

2016 General Election

Akufo-Addo = 53.72%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 169

John Mahama = 44.53%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 106

NPP won the 2016 general election in the first round.

Raw Data Score difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama =
984, 570 votes

Percentage difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama = 9.19%

Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 63

2024 General Election

John Mahama = 56.42%(275/276 declared results)
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 184

Mahamudu Bawumia = 41.75%(275/276 declared results)
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 87

NDC won the 2024 general election in the first round.

Raw Data Score difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results =
1, 714, 179 votes

Note: This is the first time that a candidate of a ruling party has lost Presidential election with over 1 million votes, and even exceeding 1.7 million votes since 1992.

Percentage difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results = 14.67%

Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 96

Conclusion
Based on the aforementioned facts & data, NPP need a truthful reflection, and proper strategic decision regarding its 2028 presidential ticket, leadership, and structures of the Party.

… Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute