The Data below(flyer attached to this Article) shared by Dr. Prince Hamid Armah, a member of “Rich Ideas Camp” shows that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the Worst Presidential Candidate under 8year cycle of change of government.
Ghana has experienced 8year cycle of change of government since 1992 and these changes were experienced in 2000, 2008, 2016, and 2024.
The Analysis of Data shared by Dr. Prince Hamid Armah indicate that:
The data
Mills lost 2000 election with a difference of 13.8%, and 92 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo lost 2008 election with a difference of 0.46%, and 107 Parliamentary Seats.
John Mahama lost 2016 election with a difference of 9.44%, and Parliamentary Seats of 104.
Razak Kojo Opoku PhD
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost 2024 election with a difference of 14.94%, and Parliamentary Seats of 88.
The aforementioned data shows that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia performed POORLY in 2024.
Mathematically, let do a simple analysis per the data generated by Bawumia’s camp which was shared by Dr. Prince Armah on Facebook in terms of Presidential Performance:
Bawumia(2024) minus Mills(2000) = 1.14% (14.94 – 13.8)
This implies that Mills did better than Bawumia comparatively, and again remember that Mills lost 2000 after 2nd round unlike Bawumia who poorly lost 2024 in the 1st round.
Dr.Mahamadu Bawumia
Also, Mills was marketed by NDC for only 4 years before 2000 presidential election unlike Dr. Bawumia who was marketed for 16 years by NPP before the 2024 presidential election.
Bawumia(2024) minus Akufo-Addo(2008) = 14.48% (14.94 – 0.46)
Remember that Akufo-Addo lost 2008 election after 2nd round unlike Bawumia who poorly lost 2024 in the 1st round. It also imply that, Nana Akufo-Addo performed EXTREMELY WELL & SIGNIFICANTLY BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.
Bawumia(2024) minus Mahama(2016) = 5.5% (14.94 – 9.44)
Remember that both Mahama and Bawumia lost the 2016 and 2024 respectively in the 1st round, and the data show that Mahama did better than Bawumia.
Also, carefully comparing the Parliamentary Performance, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia came across as a WEAK LEADER for the 2024 general election, and the facts backing it are as follows:
NDC(2000) minus NPP(2024) = 4 Seats(92 – 88)
NPP(2008) minus NPP(2024) = 19 Seats (107 – 88)
NDC(2016) minus NPP(2024) = 16 Seats(104 – 88)
Let’s also appreciate that Parliamentary Seats difference between:
1. NPP and NDC in 2000 per Bawumia’s own data was 8 Seats(100-92)
NDC and NPP in 2008 per Bawumia’s own data was 8 Seats (115 – 107)
NPP and NDC in 2016 per Bawumia’s own data was 65 Seats (169 – 104)
NDC and NPP in 2024 per Bawumia’s own data was 96 Seats (184 – 88)
Everything shows that Mahama did extremely better in 2016 than Bawumia in 2024 even in terms of Parliamentary election.
… Signed….
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
Illegal small-scale mining, popularly known as galamsey, has become one of the greatest threats to Ghana’s survival. From poisoned rivers to destroyed cocoa farms, the menace continues to cripple the economy, endanger public health, and erode the natural environment.
Despite years of campaigns, galamsey persists, raising questions about whether Ghana is truly winning this fight. Experts say the solution lies in an integrated strategy that balances law, technology, and citizens as three powerful pillars in the battle against galamsey.
The causes of galamsey are complex and interconnected. Unemployment and poverty have pushed thousands of young people into illegal mining as their only means of survival. Rising global demand for gold makes the trade lucrative, while weak enforcement of mining laws allows offenders to escape justice. Corruption and political interference have further deepened the problem, with some financiers and operators receiving protection from powerful figures.
George Akom
In addition, bureaucracy and high costs make it difficult for small-scale miners to acquire legal concessions, forcing them to operate illegally. The absence of alternative livelihoods in affected communities has only worsened dependence on mining.
The effects of galamsey are devastating and far-reaching.
Economically, Ghana loses about US$2 billion every year through gold smuggling and unregulated mining. More than 2.5 million hectares of forest cover have been lost within a decade, while cocoa production has dropped sharply as about 30 percent of farmlands in mining regions have become unproductive.
The situation has also driven up the cost of water treatment. For instance, turbidity in some water systems has risen from 100 NTU to over 7,000 NTU as a result of mining-related siltation.
The health consequences are equally alarming.
Mercury levels in soils around galamsey sites average 56 parts per million (ppm), with some areas recording as high as 1,342 ppm, far above the World Health Organization’s safe limit of 10 ppm. Arsenic concentrations have exceeded 10,000 ppm in certain regions, exposing entire communities to toxic poisoning. Long-term exposure to such heavy metals causes kidney failure, liver damage, respiratory illnesses, neurological disorders, and developmental problems in children. Many rivers, which once served as sources of drinking water, have become heavily contaminated and unsafe.
The environmental and social costs cannot be ignored. More than 60 percent of Ghana’s rivers and streams are now polluted, with many classified as being in critical condition. Deforestation, soil erosion, and siltation have worsened, leading to a loss of biodiversity and further contributing to climate change. Communities have also been torn apart by conflicts between miners, residents, and security agencies. The destruction of natural resources not only undermines present livelihoods but also threatens the survival of future generations.
Despite several interventions, the fight against galamsey has been fraught with difficulties. A lack of political willpower continues to weaken enforcement efforts, as some leaders hesitate to act decisively for fear of losing electoral support. Corruption remains a major obstacle, with certain state officials and traditional leaders enabling or directly benefiting from galamsey operations. Weak institutional capacity, marked by limited logistics and manpower, prevents regulators from executing their mandates effectively.
In addition, widespread poverty and unemployment keep driving people into the trade, while insecurity and intimidation silence communities and individuals who would otherwise speak out.
To overcome these challenges, an integrated strategy anchored on law, technology, and citizens is necessary.
The legal framework must be strengthened, with existing laws enforced without political interference. Harsher penalties, including custodial sentences, asset seizures, and heavy fines, must be introduced to deter offenders and financiers.
Fast-track courts should be established to ensure swift prosecution of galamsey cases, while government agencies must improve coordination to close the loopholes exploited by illegal miners.
Technology must also be at the center of the fight. The use of drones and satellites can provide real-time monitoring of illegal mining activities, while Geographic Information Systems (GIS) can help map and track encroachments on mining and protected areas. Internet of Things (IoT) sensors should be deployed to monitor water quality, offering early warnings of pollution in rivers and streams.
At the same time, safer and more environmentally friendly mining technologies should be promoted among licensed small-scale operators to reduce destructive practices. Data-driven decision-making must guide the allocation of resources and enforcement strategies.
Citizens, too, must be part of the solution. Communities should be empowered to act as watchdogs by reporting galamsey activities safely and anonymously.
Public education campaigns are needed to raise awareness about the dangers of galamsey to water security, agriculture, and public health. More importantly, government and non-governmental organizations must provide alternative livelihoods in agriculture, aquaculture, and vocational training to reduce reliance on illegal mining. Civil society groups, faith-based organizations, and the media must sustain advocacy, while chiefs and traditional authorities must be held accountable for protecting lands under their jurisdiction.
The statistics are chilling: billions of dollars lost annually, more than half of Ghana’s water bodies polluted, and toxic chemicals poisoning communities.
Yet, the fight against galamsey can be won if law, technology, and citizens work together in a unified strategy. The stakes are high. Ghana’s survival, the well-being of future generations, and the health of millions depend on urgent and decisive action.
By George Akom- Educationist, Information Systems and Governance Analyst
0243387291
George Akom, a Governance Analyst, has expressed concern about the recent political turmoil in Ghana which is spreading fast in our national and party politics.
He indicated that apart from political violence which has become a canker, the recent political character assassination is eroding the trust in democracy.
In very democracy, disagreement is natural. Citizens expect politicians to argue about ideas, policies, and priorities.
George Akom
Yet, more often than not, the battlefield shifts from issues to individuals. Instead of debating solutions, political actors invest energy in destroying reputations. This tactic — known as character destruction or character assassination — is as old as politics itself, but in today’s media environment it has become sharper, faster, and more damaging.
Character destruction goes beyond criticism. It is a calculated attempt to damage a leader’s credibility and moral standing by focusing on private behaviour, personal traits, or identity. It is not about policies or performance but about framing the person as unfit to serve. These attacks may come in the form of smear campaigns, rumors, manipulated scandals, or even targeted social media harassment.
The method is effective because human beings are more likely to remember negative stories than positive ones. A short allegation such as “he is corrupt” or “she is untrustworthy” often sticks longer than any complex rebuttal. The modern media cycle — fueled by viral social media posts — amplifies these attacks at lightning speed. Even when false, they leave a stain that is difficult to erase.
Research shows that survival often depends on context. If the attack comes from a powerful rival and is widely amplified in the press, the damage is greater. If the politician responds quickly and credibly, or if the media exercises restraint, the target stands a better chance of recovery.
Not all politicians face these attacks equally. Women and minority leaders are more likely to be hit with gendered or identity-based insults, which exploit existing social stereotypes. Reformers and outsiders also tend to be vulnerable because they threaten established interests.
Meanwhile, incumbents with strong party backing and loyal media allies sometimes weather even the harshest accusations.
The real victim of character destruction is not only the politician but the democratic system itself. When smear campaigns dominate headlines, citizens lose trust in politics. Policy issues such as jobs, education, and healthcare are overshadowed by scandal. Polarization deepens as voters are encouraged to see opponents not as rivals but as enemies. Worst of all, honest voices may be silenced because they fear being personally attacked.
The answer is not to shield leaders from accountability. Politicians must face legitimate scrutiny for their actions in office. But societies need guardrails to separate fair criticism from reputational warfare.
He enumerated that the under-listed measures must be adopted to solve the menace of character assassination in politic;
Politicians should invest in rapid-response strategies, offering timely, evidence-based replies instead of trading insults
Journalists must verify allegations before publication and avoid sensationalizing unverified claims.
Citizens have a role too — by questioning sources, resisting the urge to spread rumors, and focusing on issues over personalities.
Platforms can reduce the damage by labeling or slowing the spread of unverified content.
Conclusion
Character destruction in politics is not new, but its impact today is more corrosive. Democracies thrive when debates focus on ideas, not insults. As voters, journalists, and leaders, the responsibility is shared: to ensure that political competition remains robust, honest, and issue-driven. Only then can citizens trust that their leaders are chosen for their vision and competence, not for their skill in surviving smear campaigns.
Built a US$6 million cardio‑thoracic Centre at the 37 Military Hospital.
Contributed US$100,000 to train hospital staff on operating the cardio‑center.
Was among the first politicians to support Ghana’s COVID‑19 fight, donating US$1 million.
Donated 200 hospital beds to bolster COVID‑19 treatment capacity.
Kennedy Ohene Agyapong
Supplied 100,000 face‑masks, 100,000 gloves, and 10,000 hand‑sanitizers to support health ministries.
Gave US$145,000 to KATH’s Oncology department to repair radiotherapy equipment and provide beds.
Donated 1,000 kVA generator to Tamale Teaching Hospital during Ghana’s power crisis.
Support for Hospitals and Maternity
GHC 120,000 to Assin Fosu RC Hospital to cover newborns’ bills for over 600 infants.
GHC 100,000 to Agogo Hospital (Ashanti Region) to improve facilities.
GHC 50,000 for Assinman Nursing & Midwifery, and for classroom block expansions at Obiri Yeboah and St. Francis Hospital.
Party Loyalty & Infrastructure Support
Founding member of the Danquah‑Busia Club (1991), instrumental in NPP’s 1992 formation.
Secured and personally repaid a US$3 million loan to fund early NPP activities.
Donated pickup vehicles to constituencies to boost party operations.
Specifically gave 15 pickups (1996), 50 pickups (2000), and 100 pickups (2004)
Provided 245 Tata pickups and 77 Russian‑made trucks (sprayed in NPP colours) in 2008.
Contributed US$2 million during the 2008 presidential runoff campaign.
Single‑handedly sponsored the 2014 NPP national congress during financial challenges.
In 2016, funded 120 out of 240 pickups purchased for the party, and donated 11 containers of clothes to constituents.
Bailed out an NPP-independent MP for GHC 1 million plus GHC 0.5 million loan to secure a parliamentary majority.
Health & Agricultural Investments
Leading construction of a US$6 million cardiac & dialysis center, including sponsoring 11 Ghanaian medical officers to train in India.
Donated five fish ponds (1 km each) to the Ghana Armed Forces at Atwima Kwanwoma for food security support.
Spent USD 143,000 to service a cancer machine at KATH.
His companies are constructing the largest cold store in Africa, plus Africa’s largest steel factory and a starch processing facility in Atebubu-Amanteng—creating thousands of jobs.
Humanitarian and Social Impact
Has employed over 7,000 people globally, set to reach 10,000 by 2024.
Repatriated 1,000 stranded Ghanaian women from Lebanon, funding their rescue.
Supported victims of severe flooding in Ashaiman in 2002.
In 2023, donated 500 bags of rice and boxes of cooking oil to conflict-affected communities in the Upper East Region.
Poured another GHC 3.5 million into NPP operations ahead of the national delegates’ conference to ensure logistics and success.
Since 1992 there has been four experiences of 8 years cycle of change of government namely 2000, 2008, 2016, and 2024.
FACTS & DATA prove that, 2024 is the worst defeat ever experienced by a ruling party. Below is just a summary of the presidential and parliamentary performances of NPP & NDC:
2000 General Election
John Kufuor = 56.90%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 99
Atta Mills = 43.10%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 92
The NPP won 2000 general elections after second round.
Raw Data Score difference between Kufuor & Mills = 881, 139 votes
Percentage difference between Kufuor & Mills = 13.8%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 7
2008 General Election
Atta Mills = 50.23%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 116
Akufo-Addo = 49.77%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 107
The NDC won 2008 general election after second round + Tain Constituency.
Raw Data Score difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 40, 586 votes
Percentage difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 0.46%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 9
2016 General Election
Akufo-Addo = 53.72%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 169
John Mahama = 44.53%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 106
NPP won the 2016 general election in the first round.
Raw Data Score difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama =
984, 570 votes
Percentage difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama = 9.19%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 63
NDC won the 2024 general election in the first round.
Raw Data Score difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results =
1, 714, 179 votes
Note: This is the first time that a candidate of a ruling party has lost Presidential election with over 1 million votes, and even exceeding 1.7 million votes since 1992.
Percentage difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results = 14.67%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 96
Conclusion
Based on the aforementioned facts & data, NPP need a truthful reflection, and proper strategic decision regarding its 2028 presidential ticket, leadership, and structures of the Party.
… Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
Yesterday, Ghana witnessed a significant constitutional precedent: President John Dramani Mahama, in accordance with Article 146(9) of the Constitution, removed Her Ladyship Justice Gertrude Araba Sackey Torkornoo from office as Chief Justice and Justice of the Supreme Court. This marked the abrupt end of a long and distinguished judicial career. Though the President’s action was constitutionally mandated: once the committee established under Article 146(6) recommends removal, the President has no discretion, the political and legal ramifications have been immediate. Public discourse has been rife with mixed reactions, with many questioning the fairness of the process and the independence of the Judiciary in the current constitutional climate.
Kow Abaka Essuman
Indeed, from the outset, the Article 146 process has been fraught with legal challenges, procedural irregularities, and public concern. Several suits are pending before the Supreme Court and the High Court, challenging the constitutionality of the proceedings initiated against the Chief Justice. In the wake of the removal, there have been growing calls for transparency, calls which must not be ignored. Interestingly, the Minister for Government Communications is reported to have said that the report of the Committee will not be made public. That position is not only erroneous but constitutionally indefensible. It is for this reason that this article seeks to correct the record and affirm the public’s constitutional right to know.
In any constitutional democracy, transparency and accountability are not optional virtues; they are binding obligations. The people of Ghana, as sovereign stakeholders in the governance of this Republic, are entitled to know how decisions are made, particularly where such decisions touch and concern the sanctity and independence of the Judiciary, the third arm of government.
It is for this reason that the President of the Republic must, without further delay, release the full report of the Committee constituted under Article 146(6) of the Constitution to investigate the petitions filed for the removal of the Honourable Chief Justice, together with all associated proceedings and documents, namely, the petitions and the Chief Justice’s responses, the prima facie consultations with the Council of State, the full record of witness testimonies, and the committee’s findings and conclusions.
Article 146(8) of the Constitution requires that proceedings of such a Committee be held in camera. However, the Supreme Court has authoritatively clarified that this requirement of confidentiality is limited in scope and duration. Once the work of the Committee is concluded, and its report submitted to the President, Article 146(8) ceases to operate.
This was emphatically stated in Dery v. Tiger Eye P.I. & Others [2015–2016] 2 SCGLR 812, where the Supreme Court held that:
“Once the Committee’s work is concluded and it has submitted its report, the constitutional injunction no longer applies… There would be no proceedings pending as to be protected by the Constitution after the Committee has concluded its work and its report has reached the President.”
The Court was unequivocal that the public’s right to know, although temporarily deferred in the interest of fair proceedings, is not extinguished. In the words of the Court:
“The curtailment of free speech is not a permanent act. The public is not completely denied the right to know, but certainly not before a prima facie case has been made by the Chief Justice or the committee has completed its work and submitted its report, whichever of these terminates the proceedings. The rights of the people were merely postponed for a time lest the purpose of Article 146(8) should be defeated.”
Accordingly, once the proceedings are completed, as they now are, the constitutional obligation to maintain confidentiality dissolves, and a countervailing obligation to disclose arises in the interest of transparency, public accountability, and the constitutional right of Ghanaians to access information on matters of public importance.
Indeed, Constitution does not, in any of its provisions, expressly prohibit the President from releasing the report and proceedings of a committee established under Article 146. Nowhere is it stated that the report must be kept confidential after the conclusion of the inquiry. On the contrary, the Supreme Court has affirmed that once the Committee’s work is completed, the constitutional obligation of confidentiality under Article 146(8) ceases to apply, thereby permitting, and indeed encouraging, disclosure in the interest of transparency and public accountability.
It has been widely reported in the media that several eminent Ghanaians, including former Chief Justices Sophia Akuffo and Kwasi Anin Yeboah, legal luminaries such as Nana Dr. S.K.B. Asante, Mr. Sam Okudzeto, and Mr. Justin Amenuvor, among others, appeared before the Committee to testify in defence of the Chief Justice. Given the gravity of the issues, the calibre of witnesses, and the far-reaching implications for the independence of the Judiciary, it is imperative that the Ghanaian public be fully apprised of what transpired during the proceedings and the evidentiary basis upon which conclusions were drawn.
This is not merely a matter of curiosity. It is a matter of constitutional principle. Indeed, transparency in this matter would help safeguard the reputation of both the Judiciary and the Presidency, assure the public of the integrity of the process, and deter frivolous or politically-motivated petitions against high judicial officers in the future.
There are commendable precedents. In Martin Amidu v. Special Prosecutor, following the determination by Chief Justice Gertrude Torkornoo that no prima facie case was disclosed in the petition against the Special Prosecutor, the petitioner, himself a former Attorney-General and Special Prosecutor, wrote to the President requesting a copy of the report. In keeping with the constitutional principles established in Dery v. Tiger Eye P.I., President Akufo-Addo, acting transparently, released the full report to the petitioner.
Again, in the SML audit matter, President Akufo-Addo released the full KPMG report to the public, citing transparency and public accountability. During his administration, all prima facie determinations made in response to petitions filed under Article 146, including those relating to three separate petitions against Chief Justices, were made public in full.
These examples underscore a consistent and commendable commitment to transparency which must now be emulated.
President Mahama must demonstrate fidelity to the Constitution and uphold the principles of transparency and accountability by promptly releasing:
• The full report of the Committee constituted under Article 146(6);
• The full records of proceedings, including witness testimonies;
• The petition(s) and responses submitted by the Chief Justice; and
• A record of the President’s consultations with the Council of State in making the prima facie determination, including the prima facie determination made by the President.
These records are no longer shielded by Article 146(8), and any attempt to withhold them would be inconsistent with the decision in Dery, a decision which remains binding constitutional precedent.
In a democracy, public confidence in the administration of justice depends not just on outcomes, but on the openness and fairness of the process. The people of Ghana deserve to know how decisions about the removal of the head of the Judiciary were made. Releasing these documents is not just a matter of legal obligation; it is a moral and democratic imperative.
Lastly, let me state that transparency is not a threat to justice. It is its lifeblood. Let the truth come to light.
Source:Kow Abaka Essuman Former Acting Secretary to the President and Former Legal Counsel to the President
Title: What supporters and sympathies of Kennedy should avoid.
Introduction:
You have the liberty to say or do whatever you may wish to, but not everything that you say is beneficial to you and the country in terms of building the country.
Remember that whatever we do or say shall be accounted for in the day of judgment, therefore we must be extra careful of what we do or say.
Supporters and volunteers of Ken should not keep people’s donations to themselves without letting Ken’s campaign team be aware of such contributions.( Ken’s campaign team should design a system to document every support and contributions of love ones).
Those who receive such support from his love ones must be made known to Ken and his campaign team. Campaign donations receivers should make sure that every expenses made is documented and accounted for.)
They should avoid feeding Honorable Kennedy with wrong and bad information about decent and innocent people who are working hard at the constituencies. ( Spreading bad news about people just to get fame or money will not benefit anyone)
Focus on Ken’s message and policies of building the country and not personal attacks and insults, especially, those who have left honorable Kennedy to support others.
They should not use lies or propaganda to campaign. Ghanaians are becoming enlightened these days about politics.
If you are certain to support honorable Kennedy, then remain loyal and faithful to him and avoid double standards.
I wish to inform the members of the campaign team and all his sympathizers, not to depend on too much prophecies, but rather, work hard to convince NPP delegates to think about the future of the party. ( You can take inspiration from the prophecies but do not sit down and expect prophecies to do the work for you.
The executive leadership should avoid giving money to some churches in public, especially those that have not directly worked for Ken ( such donations may disturb most of the clergy who have been faithful to Ken without asking for a pesewa.)
Honorable Kennedy and his national leadership should make sure the money invested is strictly monitored .
10.If possible the vision, purpose, and policies of honorable Kennedy should be documented and shared with the general public.
Honorable Kennedy and the national leadership of his campaign team should not wait until he wins the election before he shows gratitude to those who are helped him in the campaign.
Conclusion::
Thanks for reading my political Articles, stay blessed and be safe. There are
more issues to be discussed even after the presidential elections in January 2026
Source :Apostle Paul Kofi Agyekum
( No ken No vote) 0551536775
A day’s training programme has been held for media practitioners in the northern zone.
The programme was aimed at equipping media practitioners with foundational knowledge about nuclear energy, including small modular rectors (SMRs), to enhance their capacity for accurate, responsible and informed reporting on Ghana’s nuclear power programme and the work of the regulator.
Group photograph of the participants
The NRA is collaborating with the following institutions on this project through some representatives: US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, University of Ghana, Arte and Communications, Ghana Statistical Service, GJA and NRA Media Corps.
The participants were drawn from the Ashanti, Bono East, Oti , Savannah, Northern, Upper East, Upper West and the Northern regions.
The expected outcome of the workshop is to raise awareness amongst media practitioners on how to regulate the various types of nuclear technologies for electricity generation, including SMRs, to leverage the media for nuclear regulatory communications and awareness creation, as well as to build trust.
The Director of the Radiological & Non-Ionizing Installation at the NRA, Prof. Augustine Faanu, called on the support of the media practitioners to partner with the Authority and all relevant stakeholders to help achieve their objectives.
According to him, the doors of the Authority are widely opened for information as part of its commitment to involve all stakeholders and the populace in the nuclear energy installation plans.
He said the theme for the training workshop reflected the commitment of the NRA to strengthen collaboration with journalists in education and informing the society of nuclear energy.
Prof. Faanu underscored the need for accurate, timely and responsible communication since it is critical, especially in the nuclear sector, where public trust and understanding are essential.
“It is important that the regulator clarifies misconceptions and builds a stronger partnership with the media to enhance understanding,” he added.
Dr. Emmanuel Amponsah-Amoako, Director Nuclear Installation Directorate at NRA, in his presentation entitled: ““THE ROLE OF THE NUCLEAR REGULATOR”, stated unequivocally that NRA was seeking the safety of the people. He revealed that NRA was working to effectively oversee the introduction of nuclear power into Ghana’s electrical energy grid, by addressing safety, security and safeguards matters through the institution of an effective regulatory infrastructure.
Besides, the Authority also seeks to inform and involve the public adequately in the oversight of the nuclear installations and looks forward to working with the media to support this endeavour.
Dr. Amoako added, ”NRA appreciates the media participation and stands ready to provide clear, concise and transparent interaction with the public while we embark on this journey of nuclear power together.”
According to him, looking at the current energy situation in the country, nuclear is the best option for reliable and sustainable energy provision for Ghana; hence, all hands must be on deck.
He explained that apart form the installation stage which is costly, it is the cheapest in the world.
Dr. Kelle Barfield of FIRST Programme made a presentation on “Nuclear Energy:Building the Infratucture”.
A media consultant, Mr. Michael Mawugbe, made a presentation on the topic: “Writing impactful nuclear regulatory stories”.
The newly elected Ashanti Regional Ghana Journalists Association (GJA) Chairman, who is with Luv/Joy news, Mr. Kofi Adu Domfeh, also spoke on the topic: “Reporting Science Technology Innovations (ST&I) as… Journalists”.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) has its roots deeply grounded in unity and national inclusiveness. Our tradition stems from the United Party (UP), a political force formed through the coming together of parties and groups from across the length and breadth of Ghana. From its very foundation, the NPP has never been and can never be a tribal party.
NPP Flagbearer hopefuls
It is, therefore, worrying when comments and postures from some senior members of our Party appear to suggest that tribal considerations should play a role in our internal and national political discourse. This is not only dangerous but also undermines the very principles on which our party was built.
Hon. Bryan Acheampong, as a senior figure in our party, must take note that tribal politics will not help the NPP. What will sustain and strengthen our party is unity, fairness, inclusiveness, and a focus on policies that bring progress to all Ghanaians, regardless of ethnic background.
We urge all party members, especially our leaders, to remain committed to the founding vision of the NPP as a broad-based national party that represents the aspirations of every Ghanaian. Divisive tendencies must be rejected in order to safeguard the future of our tradition and ensure victory in future elections.
It is very funny how some members of Dr. Bawumia’s camp are alleging that the decision by SSNIT to sell off 60% of its stake in four hotels to private investors under a public-private partnership with a strategic investor like Rock City Hotel automatically caused the 2024 defeat of the NPP.
However, the two reports which are very dear to the heart of Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, that is, the Mike Oquaye Report and the Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu Report never fingered SSNIT-Rock City deal as the possible cause of NPP’s defeat in 2024.
Dr.Bryan Acheampong
Kennedy Agyapong, Bryan Acheampong, Yaw Osei Adutwum, and all members of NPP EXCEPT Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia and his people have been accused of as the cause of NPP 2024 defeat.
However, according to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in April 2025, NPP lost the elections in 2024 because of:
1. E-levy
2. Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP)
3. High Cost of living
4. Prices of goods and services went up and left many Ghanaians struggling
5. Arrogance of power (we were not willing to listen)
6. Government’s inability to pay NABCO and others
7. School feeding caterers and others were also not being paid
8. Controversy surrounding the $ 58 million National Cathedral project
9. Last-minute fuel price hike
Other major factors that caused the defeat of NPP in 2024 not mentioned by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia were:
1. Cedi Depreciation, moving $1 to 4ghc to $1 to 17ghc.
2. High Inflation
3. High Interest rates
4. Galamsey
5. Disrespect towards certain Chiefs
6. Break-down of the relationship between NPP and the media
7. Sidelining of Party members leading to Apathy
8. Suffering of the Private sector, and collapse of several private enterprises
9. Failed 1 Village 1 Dam policy, 1 million dollars, one constituency policy, among others
10. Lack of proper infrastructural development and Interchanges in the Ashanti Region as promised.
11. Demographics challenges faced by the 2024 Presidential candidate.
Razak Kojo Opoku (PhD) author
The question now is; When did Public-Private Partnerships become an illegality under the laws of Ghana?
In its own wisdom, Ghana’s Parliament even enacted the Public-Private Partnership Act, 2020 (Act 1039) to regulate the entire PPP process, from project identification to implementation, as well as provisions for procurement, contracting and dispute resolution.
According to the Management of SSNIT before settling on Rock City Hotel, SSNIT:
1. Went through International Competitive Tendering (ICT) processes as prescribed by the Public Procurement Act, 2003 (Act 663), as amended by Act 914 for the selection of a strategic investor.
Commenced the process with the engagement of a Transaction Advisor through ICT method of procurement, with publication of advertisements in the Daily Graphic on 14th November, 2018, and in the Ghanaian Times on 15th November, 2018. The said advertisement was equally published in The Economist, a renowned and reputable international magazine in its 5-11, 2019 edition.
The legitimate questions any reasonable person would ask regarding SSNIT’s decision to sell 60% of its stake in four hotels are;
1. Was Rock City Hotel the only company that applied for the contract? Absolutely NO.
A total of nine (9) companies responded to the advertisements by SSNIT and accordingly submitted proposals by the 23rd of March, 2022 deadline. Six (6) out of the nine (9) companies were shortlisted and issued with Request for Proposal (RFP) documents. The qualifying companies were invited for the opening of their financial proposals.
Based on the technical and financial evaluation by an independent committee, Rock City Hotel emerged the best.
Was the contract finally awarded to Rock City Hotel to take over 60% of SSNIT’s Stake in the four(4) hotels (Labadi Beach Hotel, La Palm Royal Beach Resort, Ridge Royal Hotel, and Elmina Beach Resort) even after emerging with the best and strongest technical and financial proposals amongst those received by SSNIT? Absolutely NO.
The process of SSNIT getting a strategic partnership was not yet concluded before a petition was submitted to CHRAJ requesting for a full-scale investigation into the sale of SSNIT hotels. As a law-abiding corporate entity, Rock City Hotel expressed disinterest in the contract given the impending investigation by CHRAJ, and the politically sponsored attacks on its owner, Dr. Bryan Acheampong.
Is Bryan Acheampong the first businessman who has had his company express an interest in a strategic partnership with Hotels publicly owned by State entity? Absolutely NO.
(a). In 2006, the government in partnership with Saudi Prince, Alwaleed Bin Talal Bin Abdul Aziz Alsaud, a world acclaimed entrepreneur invested about $100 million into the renovations and construction works of the State-owned Ambassador Hotel, which was built as a gift to Ghana about 50 years ago (then in 2006) and now 68years ago in 2025 by the United Kingdom. The Ambassador Hotel has been taken over and managed by Movenpick Hotel, a hotel management chain.
Ghanaians saw nothing wrong with this arrangement probably because the Saudi Prince wasn’t a Black businessman or a Ghanaian Politician. The Saudi Prince expressed an interest in the Ambassador Hotel around 2003.
(b). In 2008, Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited (GLAHCO) took over the ownership of state-owned Kumasi City Hotel and Accra City Hotel and further entered into a contractual agreement with the Golden Tulip Hospitality Group of the Netherlands to manage these two hotels under the brand name Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel and Golden Tulip Accra.
The financiers of the projects were Government of Ghana, Libyan Government Investment Company in Africa, and Ghana Commercial Bank.
Let’s also mention that, in 1979, Ace Hotels and Resorts Limited acquired the Kumasi City Hotel through the formation of a joint venture company to rehabilitate the hotel.
In 2022, the management of Golden Tulip Hotels, the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) stated that, they have leased the Golden Tulip Accra and Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel to Achour Holdings, operators of Grand Lancaster chain of hotels for 12years.
Achour Holdings is a private Lebanese company located in Beirut. Imagine the level of political spinning if these two hotels were leased to Rock City Hotel for 12years?
Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited(GLAHCO) is a joint-venture between the Libyan Arab African Investment Company(LAAICO) and the Government of Ghana with participating interest of 40% and 60% equities respectively.
(c). Rawlings’ government ushered in the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) during the period of Divestiture Implementation Committee (DIC). The Divestiture Implementation Committee(DIC) is widely considered by many as a body set up by the PNDC junta to oversee the process of their large scale corruption of sale of state lands, buildings, and properties to themselves and their cronies. Over 60 state-owned companies were placed on Divestiture and sold to cronies of NDC between 1989 and 1992.
GLAHCO and several private business persons benefitted from this divestiture exercise.
Certainly, the genuine intentions of Rock City Hotel owned by Dr. Bryan Acheampong to go through all the procurement processes to partner with SSNIT as a strategic investor to raise capital to invest in the SSNIT hotels as well as their management under Public-Private partnership can NEVER be considered as one of the major reasons why the NPP lost the 2024 elections.
….Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
