Built a US$6 million cardio‑thoracic Centre at the 37 Military Hospital.
Contributed US$100,000 to train hospital staff on operating the cardio‑center.
Was among the first politicians to support Ghana’s COVID‑19 fight, donating US$1 million.
Donated 200 hospital beds to bolster COVID‑19 treatment capacity.
Kennedy Ohene Agyapong
Supplied 100,000 face‑masks, 100,000 gloves, and 10,000 hand‑sanitizers to support health ministries.
Gave US$145,000 to KATH’s Oncology department to repair radiotherapy equipment and provide beds.
Donated 1,000 kVA generator to Tamale Teaching Hospital during Ghana’s power crisis.
Support for Hospitals and Maternity
GHC 120,000 to Assin Fosu RC Hospital to cover newborns’ bills for over 600 infants.
GHC 100,000 to Agogo Hospital (Ashanti Region) to improve facilities.
GHC 50,000 for Assinman Nursing & Midwifery, and for classroom block expansions at Obiri Yeboah and St. Francis Hospital.
Party Loyalty & Infrastructure Support
Founding member of the Danquah‑Busia Club (1991), instrumental in NPP’s 1992 formation.
Secured and personally repaid a US$3 million loan to fund early NPP activities.
Donated pickup vehicles to constituencies to boost party operations.
Specifically gave 15 pickups (1996), 50 pickups (2000), and 100 pickups (2004)
Provided 245 Tata pickups and 77 Russian‑made trucks (sprayed in NPP colours) in 2008.
Contributed US$2 million during the 2008 presidential runoff campaign.
Single‑handedly sponsored the 2014 NPP national congress during financial challenges.
In 2016, funded 120 out of 240 pickups purchased for the party, and donated 11 containers of clothes to constituents.
Bailed out an NPP-independent MP for GHC 1 million plus GHC 0.5 million loan to secure a parliamentary majority.
Health & Agricultural Investments
Leading construction of a US$6 million cardiac & dialysis center, including sponsoring 11 Ghanaian medical officers to train in India.
Donated five fish ponds (1 km each) to the Ghana Armed Forces at Atwima Kwanwoma for food security support.
Spent USD 143,000 to service a cancer machine at KATH.
His companies are constructing the largest cold store in Africa, plus Africa’s largest steel factory and a starch processing facility in Atebubu-Amanteng—creating thousands of jobs.
Humanitarian and Social Impact
Has employed over 7,000 people globally, set to reach 10,000 by 2024.
Repatriated 1,000 stranded Ghanaian women from Lebanon, funding their rescue.
Supported victims of severe flooding in Ashaiman in 2002.
In 2023, donated 500 bags of rice and boxes of cooking oil to conflict-affected communities in the Upper East Region.
Poured another GHC 3.5 million into NPP operations ahead of the national delegates’ conference to ensure logistics and success.
Since 1992 there has been four experiences of 8 years cycle of change of government namely 2000, 2008, 2016, and 2024.
FACTS & DATA prove that, 2024 is the worst defeat ever experienced by a ruling party. Below is just a summary of the presidential and parliamentary performances of NPP & NDC:
2000 General Election
John Kufuor = 56.90%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 99
Atta Mills = 43.10%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 92
The NPP won 2000 general elections after second round.
Raw Data Score difference between Kufuor & Mills = 881, 139 votes
Percentage difference between Kufuor & Mills = 13.8%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 7
2008 General Election
Atta Mills = 50.23%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 116
Akufo-Addo = 49.77%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 107
The NDC won 2008 general election after second round + Tain Constituency.
Raw Data Score difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 40, 586 votes
Percentage difference between Mills & Akufo-Addo = 0.46%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 9
2016 General Election
Akufo-Addo = 53.72%
NPP Parliamentary Seats = 169
John Mahama = 44.53%
NDC Parliamentary Seats = 106
NPP won the 2016 general election in the first round.
Raw Data Score difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama =
984, 570 votes
Percentage difference between Akufo-Addo & John Mahama = 9.19%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NPP & NDC = 63
NDC won the 2024 general election in the first round.
Raw Data Score difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results =
1, 714, 179 votes
Note: This is the first time that a candidate of a ruling party has lost Presidential election with over 1 million votes, and even exceeding 1.7 million votes since 1992.
Percentage difference between John Mahama & Dr. Bawumia based on 275/276 declared results = 14.67%
Parliamentary Seats difference between NDC & NPP = 96
Conclusion
Based on the aforementioned facts & data, NPP need a truthful reflection, and proper strategic decision regarding its 2028 presidential ticket, leadership, and structures of the Party.
… Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
Yesterday, Ghana witnessed a significant constitutional precedent: President John Dramani Mahama, in accordance with Article 146(9) of the Constitution, removed Her Ladyship Justice Gertrude Araba Sackey Torkornoo from office as Chief Justice and Justice of the Supreme Court. This marked the abrupt end of a long and distinguished judicial career. Though the President’s action was constitutionally mandated: once the committee established under Article 146(6) recommends removal, the President has no discretion, the political and legal ramifications have been immediate. Public discourse has been rife with mixed reactions, with many questioning the fairness of the process and the independence of the Judiciary in the current constitutional climate.
Kow Abaka Essuman
Indeed, from the outset, the Article 146 process has been fraught with legal challenges, procedural irregularities, and public concern. Several suits are pending before the Supreme Court and the High Court, challenging the constitutionality of the proceedings initiated against the Chief Justice. In the wake of the removal, there have been growing calls for transparency, calls which must not be ignored. Interestingly, the Minister for Government Communications is reported to have said that the report of the Committee will not be made public. That position is not only erroneous but constitutionally indefensible. It is for this reason that this article seeks to correct the record and affirm the public’s constitutional right to know.
In any constitutional democracy, transparency and accountability are not optional virtues; they are binding obligations. The people of Ghana, as sovereign stakeholders in the governance of this Republic, are entitled to know how decisions are made, particularly where such decisions touch and concern the sanctity and independence of the Judiciary, the third arm of government.
It is for this reason that the President of the Republic must, without further delay, release the full report of the Committee constituted under Article 146(6) of the Constitution to investigate the petitions filed for the removal of the Honourable Chief Justice, together with all associated proceedings and documents, namely, the petitions and the Chief Justice’s responses, the prima facie consultations with the Council of State, the full record of witness testimonies, and the committee’s findings and conclusions.
Article 146(8) of the Constitution requires that proceedings of such a Committee be held in camera. However, the Supreme Court has authoritatively clarified that this requirement of confidentiality is limited in scope and duration. Once the work of the Committee is concluded, and its report submitted to the President, Article 146(8) ceases to operate.
This was emphatically stated in Dery v. Tiger Eye P.I. & Others [2015–2016] 2 SCGLR 812, where the Supreme Court held that:
“Once the Committee’s work is concluded and it has submitted its report, the constitutional injunction no longer applies… There would be no proceedings pending as to be protected by the Constitution after the Committee has concluded its work and its report has reached the President.”
The Court was unequivocal that the public’s right to know, although temporarily deferred in the interest of fair proceedings, is not extinguished. In the words of the Court:
“The curtailment of free speech is not a permanent act. The public is not completely denied the right to know, but certainly not before a prima facie case has been made by the Chief Justice or the committee has completed its work and submitted its report, whichever of these terminates the proceedings. The rights of the people were merely postponed for a time lest the purpose of Article 146(8) should be defeated.”
Accordingly, once the proceedings are completed, as they now are, the constitutional obligation to maintain confidentiality dissolves, and a countervailing obligation to disclose arises in the interest of transparency, public accountability, and the constitutional right of Ghanaians to access information on matters of public importance.
Indeed, Constitution does not, in any of its provisions, expressly prohibit the President from releasing the report and proceedings of a committee established under Article 146. Nowhere is it stated that the report must be kept confidential after the conclusion of the inquiry. On the contrary, the Supreme Court has affirmed that once the Committee’s work is completed, the constitutional obligation of confidentiality under Article 146(8) ceases to apply, thereby permitting, and indeed encouraging, disclosure in the interest of transparency and public accountability.
It has been widely reported in the media that several eminent Ghanaians, including former Chief Justices Sophia Akuffo and Kwasi Anin Yeboah, legal luminaries such as Nana Dr. S.K.B. Asante, Mr. Sam Okudzeto, and Mr. Justin Amenuvor, among others, appeared before the Committee to testify in defence of the Chief Justice. Given the gravity of the issues, the calibre of witnesses, and the far-reaching implications for the independence of the Judiciary, it is imperative that the Ghanaian public be fully apprised of what transpired during the proceedings and the evidentiary basis upon which conclusions were drawn.
This is not merely a matter of curiosity. It is a matter of constitutional principle. Indeed, transparency in this matter would help safeguard the reputation of both the Judiciary and the Presidency, assure the public of the integrity of the process, and deter frivolous or politically-motivated petitions against high judicial officers in the future.
There are commendable precedents. In Martin Amidu v. Special Prosecutor, following the determination by Chief Justice Gertrude Torkornoo that no prima facie case was disclosed in the petition against the Special Prosecutor, the petitioner, himself a former Attorney-General and Special Prosecutor, wrote to the President requesting a copy of the report. In keeping with the constitutional principles established in Dery v. Tiger Eye P.I., President Akufo-Addo, acting transparently, released the full report to the petitioner.
Again, in the SML audit matter, President Akufo-Addo released the full KPMG report to the public, citing transparency and public accountability. During his administration, all prima facie determinations made in response to petitions filed under Article 146, including those relating to three separate petitions against Chief Justices, were made public in full.
These examples underscore a consistent and commendable commitment to transparency which must now be emulated.
President Mahama must demonstrate fidelity to the Constitution and uphold the principles of transparency and accountability by promptly releasing:
• The full report of the Committee constituted under Article 146(6);
• The full records of proceedings, including witness testimonies;
• The petition(s) and responses submitted by the Chief Justice; and
• A record of the President’s consultations with the Council of State in making the prima facie determination, including the prima facie determination made by the President.
These records are no longer shielded by Article 146(8), and any attempt to withhold them would be inconsistent with the decision in Dery, a decision which remains binding constitutional precedent.
In a democracy, public confidence in the administration of justice depends not just on outcomes, but on the openness and fairness of the process. The people of Ghana deserve to know how decisions about the removal of the head of the Judiciary were made. Releasing these documents is not just a matter of legal obligation; it is a moral and democratic imperative.
Lastly, let me state that transparency is not a threat to justice. It is its lifeblood. Let the truth come to light.
Source:Kow Abaka Essuman Former Acting Secretary to the President and Former Legal Counsel to the President
Title: What supporters and sympathies of Kennedy should avoid.
Introduction:
You have the liberty to say or do whatever you may wish to, but not everything that you say is beneficial to you and the country in terms of building the country.
Remember that whatever we do or say shall be accounted for in the day of judgment, therefore we must be extra careful of what we do or say.
Supporters and volunteers of Ken should not keep people’s donations to themselves without letting Ken’s campaign team be aware of such contributions.( Ken’s campaign team should design a system to document every support and contributions of love ones).
Those who receive such support from his love ones must be made known to Ken and his campaign team. Campaign donations receivers should make sure that every expenses made is documented and accounted for.)
They should avoid feeding Honorable Kennedy with wrong and bad information about decent and innocent people who are working hard at the constituencies. ( Spreading bad news about people just to get fame or money will not benefit anyone)
Focus on Ken’s message and policies of building the country and not personal attacks and insults, especially, those who have left honorable Kennedy to support others.
They should not use lies or propaganda to campaign. Ghanaians are becoming enlightened these days about politics.
If you are certain to support honorable Kennedy, then remain loyal and faithful to him and avoid double standards.
I wish to inform the members of the campaign team and all his sympathizers, not to depend on too much prophecies, but rather, work hard to convince NPP delegates to think about the future of the party. ( You can take inspiration from the prophecies but do not sit down and expect prophecies to do the work for you.
The executive leadership should avoid giving money to some churches in public, especially those that have not directly worked for Ken ( such donations may disturb most of the clergy who have been faithful to Ken without asking for a pesewa.)
Honorable Kennedy and his national leadership should make sure the money invested is strictly monitored .
10.If possible the vision, purpose, and policies of honorable Kennedy should be documented and shared with the general public.
Honorable Kennedy and the national leadership of his campaign team should not wait until he wins the election before he shows gratitude to those who are helped him in the campaign.
Conclusion::
Thanks for reading my political Articles, stay blessed and be safe. There are
more issues to be discussed even after the presidential elections in January 2026
Source :Apostle Paul Kofi Agyekum
( No ken No vote) 0551536775
A day’s training programme has been held for media practitioners in the northern zone.
The programme was aimed at equipping media practitioners with foundational knowledge about nuclear energy, including small modular rectors (SMRs), to enhance their capacity for accurate, responsible and informed reporting on Ghana’s nuclear power programme and the work of the regulator.
Group photograph of the participants
The NRA is collaborating with the following institutions on this project through some representatives: US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, University of Ghana, Arte and Communications, Ghana Statistical Service, GJA and NRA Media Corps.
The participants were drawn from the Ashanti, Bono East, Oti , Savannah, Northern, Upper East, Upper West and the Northern regions.
The expected outcome of the workshop is to raise awareness amongst media practitioners on how to regulate the various types of nuclear technologies for electricity generation, including SMRs, to leverage the media for nuclear regulatory communications and awareness creation, as well as to build trust.
The Director of the Radiological & Non-Ionizing Installation at the NRA, Prof. Augustine Faanu, called on the support of the media practitioners to partner with the Authority and all relevant stakeholders to help achieve their objectives.
According to him, the doors of the Authority are widely opened for information as part of its commitment to involve all stakeholders and the populace in the nuclear energy installation plans.
He said the theme for the training workshop reflected the commitment of the NRA to strengthen collaboration with journalists in education and informing the society of nuclear energy.
Prof. Faanu underscored the need for accurate, timely and responsible communication since it is critical, especially in the nuclear sector, where public trust and understanding are essential.
“It is important that the regulator clarifies misconceptions and builds a stronger partnership with the media to enhance understanding,” he added.
Dr. Emmanuel Amponsah-Amoako, Director Nuclear Installation Directorate at NRA, in his presentation entitled: ““THE ROLE OF THE NUCLEAR REGULATOR”, stated unequivocally that NRA was seeking the safety of the people. He revealed that NRA was working to effectively oversee the introduction of nuclear power into Ghana’s electrical energy grid, by addressing safety, security and safeguards matters through the institution of an effective regulatory infrastructure.
Besides, the Authority also seeks to inform and involve the public adequately in the oversight of the nuclear installations and looks forward to working with the media to support this endeavour.
Dr. Amoako added, ”NRA appreciates the media participation and stands ready to provide clear, concise and transparent interaction with the public while we embark on this journey of nuclear power together.”
According to him, looking at the current energy situation in the country, nuclear is the best option for reliable and sustainable energy provision for Ghana; hence, all hands must be on deck.
He explained that apart form the installation stage which is costly, it is the cheapest in the world.
Dr. Kelle Barfield of FIRST Programme made a presentation on “Nuclear Energy:Building the Infratucture”.
A media consultant, Mr. Michael Mawugbe, made a presentation on the topic: “Writing impactful nuclear regulatory stories”.
The newly elected Ashanti Regional Ghana Journalists Association (GJA) Chairman, who is with Luv/Joy news, Mr. Kofi Adu Domfeh, also spoke on the topic: “Reporting Science Technology Innovations (ST&I) as… Journalists”.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) has its roots deeply grounded in unity and national inclusiveness. Our tradition stems from the United Party (UP), a political force formed through the coming together of parties and groups from across the length and breadth of Ghana. From its very foundation, the NPP has never been and can never be a tribal party.
NPP Flagbearer hopefuls
It is, therefore, worrying when comments and postures from some senior members of our Party appear to suggest that tribal considerations should play a role in our internal and national political discourse. This is not only dangerous but also undermines the very principles on which our party was built.
Hon. Bryan Acheampong, as a senior figure in our party, must take note that tribal politics will not help the NPP. What will sustain and strengthen our party is unity, fairness, inclusiveness, and a focus on policies that bring progress to all Ghanaians, regardless of ethnic background.
We urge all party members, especially our leaders, to remain committed to the founding vision of the NPP as a broad-based national party that represents the aspirations of every Ghanaian. Divisive tendencies must be rejected in order to safeguard the future of our tradition and ensure victory in future elections.
It is very funny how some members of Dr. Bawumia’s camp are alleging that the decision by SSNIT to sell off 60% of its stake in four hotels to private investors under a public-private partnership with a strategic investor like Rock City Hotel automatically caused the 2024 defeat of the NPP.
However, the two reports which are very dear to the heart of Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, that is, the Mike Oquaye Report and the Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu Report never fingered SSNIT-Rock City deal as the possible cause of NPP’s defeat in 2024.
Dr.Bryan Acheampong
Kennedy Agyapong, Bryan Acheampong, Yaw Osei Adutwum, and all members of NPP EXCEPT Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia and his people have been accused of as the cause of NPP 2024 defeat.
However, according to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in April 2025, NPP lost the elections in 2024 because of:
1. E-levy
2. Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP)
3. High Cost of living
4. Prices of goods and services went up and left many Ghanaians struggling
5. Arrogance of power (we were not willing to listen)
6. Government’s inability to pay NABCO and others
7. School feeding caterers and others were also not being paid
8. Controversy surrounding the $ 58 million National Cathedral project
9. Last-minute fuel price hike
Other major factors that caused the defeat of NPP in 2024 not mentioned by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia were:
1. Cedi Depreciation, moving $1 to 4ghc to $1 to 17ghc.
2. High Inflation
3. High Interest rates
4. Galamsey
5. Disrespect towards certain Chiefs
6. Break-down of the relationship between NPP and the media
7. Sidelining of Party members leading to Apathy
8. Suffering of the Private sector, and collapse of several private enterprises
9. Failed 1 Village 1 Dam policy, 1 million dollars, one constituency policy, among others
10. Lack of proper infrastructural development and Interchanges in the Ashanti Region as promised.
11. Demographics challenges faced by the 2024 Presidential candidate.
Razak Kojo Opoku (PhD) author
The question now is; When did Public-Private Partnerships become an illegality under the laws of Ghana?
In its own wisdom, Ghana’s Parliament even enacted the Public-Private Partnership Act, 2020 (Act 1039) to regulate the entire PPP process, from project identification to implementation, as well as provisions for procurement, contracting and dispute resolution.
According to the Management of SSNIT before settling on Rock City Hotel, SSNIT:
1. Went through International Competitive Tendering (ICT) processes as prescribed by the Public Procurement Act, 2003 (Act 663), as amended by Act 914 for the selection of a strategic investor.
Commenced the process with the engagement of a Transaction Advisor through ICT method of procurement, with publication of advertisements in the Daily Graphic on 14th November, 2018, and in the Ghanaian Times on 15th November, 2018. The said advertisement was equally published in The Economist, a renowned and reputable international magazine in its 5-11, 2019 edition.
The legitimate questions any reasonable person would ask regarding SSNIT’s decision to sell 60% of its stake in four hotels are;
1. Was Rock City Hotel the only company that applied for the contract? Absolutely NO.
A total of nine (9) companies responded to the advertisements by SSNIT and accordingly submitted proposals by the 23rd of March, 2022 deadline. Six (6) out of the nine (9) companies were shortlisted and issued with Request for Proposal (RFP) documents. The qualifying companies were invited for the opening of their financial proposals.
Based on the technical and financial evaluation by an independent committee, Rock City Hotel emerged the best.
Was the contract finally awarded to Rock City Hotel to take over 60% of SSNIT’s Stake in the four(4) hotels (Labadi Beach Hotel, La Palm Royal Beach Resort, Ridge Royal Hotel, and Elmina Beach Resort) even after emerging with the best and strongest technical and financial proposals amongst those received by SSNIT? Absolutely NO.
The process of SSNIT getting a strategic partnership was not yet concluded before a petition was submitted to CHRAJ requesting for a full-scale investigation into the sale of SSNIT hotels. As a law-abiding corporate entity, Rock City Hotel expressed disinterest in the contract given the impending investigation by CHRAJ, and the politically sponsored attacks on its owner, Dr. Bryan Acheampong.
Is Bryan Acheampong the first businessman who has had his company express an interest in a strategic partnership with Hotels publicly owned by State entity? Absolutely NO.
(a). In 2006, the government in partnership with Saudi Prince, Alwaleed Bin Talal Bin Abdul Aziz Alsaud, a world acclaimed entrepreneur invested about $100 million into the renovations and construction works of the State-owned Ambassador Hotel, which was built as a gift to Ghana about 50 years ago (then in 2006) and now 68years ago in 2025 by the United Kingdom. The Ambassador Hotel has been taken over and managed by Movenpick Hotel, a hotel management chain.
Ghanaians saw nothing wrong with this arrangement probably because the Saudi Prince wasn’t a Black businessman or a Ghanaian Politician. The Saudi Prince expressed an interest in the Ambassador Hotel around 2003.
(b). In 2008, Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited (GLAHCO) took over the ownership of state-owned Kumasi City Hotel and Accra City Hotel and further entered into a contractual agreement with the Golden Tulip Hospitality Group of the Netherlands to manage these two hotels under the brand name Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel and Golden Tulip Accra.
The financiers of the projects were Government of Ghana, Libyan Government Investment Company in Africa, and Ghana Commercial Bank.
Let’s also mention that, in 1979, Ace Hotels and Resorts Limited acquired the Kumasi City Hotel through the formation of a joint venture company to rehabilitate the hotel.
In 2022, the management of Golden Tulip Hotels, the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) stated that, they have leased the Golden Tulip Accra and Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel to Achour Holdings, operators of Grand Lancaster chain of hotels for 12years.
Achour Holdings is a private Lebanese company located in Beirut. Imagine the level of political spinning if these two hotels were leased to Rock City Hotel for 12years?
Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited(GLAHCO) is a joint-venture between the Libyan Arab African Investment Company(LAAICO) and the Government of Ghana with participating interest of 40% and 60% equities respectively.
(c). Rawlings’ government ushered in the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) during the period of Divestiture Implementation Committee (DIC). The Divestiture Implementation Committee(DIC) is widely considered by many as a body set up by the PNDC junta to oversee the process of their large scale corruption of sale of state lands, buildings, and properties to themselves and their cronies. Over 60 state-owned companies were placed on Divestiture and sold to cronies of NDC between 1989 and 1992.
GLAHCO and several private business persons benefitted from this divestiture exercise.
Certainly, the genuine intentions of Rock City Hotel owned by Dr. Bryan Acheampong to go through all the procurement processes to partner with SSNIT as a strategic investor to raise capital to invest in the SSNIT hotels as well as their management under Public-Private partnership can NEVER be considered as one of the major reasons why the NPP lost the 2024 elections.
….Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
Recently, the discussion of the electoral performance of NPP in 2024 has been shifted to the theories of Incumbency Advantage, and Incumbency Disadvantage. That is a very good discussion and it is important that we expose the LIES which some people have been spinning to whitewash data in favour of their preferred Presidential candidate.
Incumbency Advantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Advantage typically refers to the benefits that a Presidential candidate of a ruling party has over opposition Presidential candidates when seeking re-election, especially after completing the first term in government.
Some of the benefits of Incumbency Advantage, especially within the first term in government are access to resources, well established donor & sponsor networks, goodwill of the citizens (voters), and greater tolerance & patience levels of the citizens (voters). These aforementioned factors greatly influence the voting patterns, behaviors, and decisions of the voters in favour of the Presidential candidate who is already in government. Incumbent Presidential candidate typically win re-election at much higher rate than opposition Presidential candidates, especially after the end of the 4 year mandate.
Razak KoJo Opoku (PhD)
J. J. Rawlings, John Agyekum Kufuor, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo enjoyed an Incumbency Advantage Theory under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana. However, let analyze their respective performance in accordance with the Incumbency Advantage Theory
Jerry John Rawlings in 1996
After overwhelmingly winning the 1992 Presidential election with 2, 323, 135 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 189 out of 200 Seats, largely due to the poor decision by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) to boycott the 1992 Parliamentary election, J. J. Rawlings with an incumbent advantage decisively won the 1996 Presidential election with 4, 099, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 134 out of 200 seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 2004
After the overwhelming victory in 2000 Presidential election with 3, 631, 263 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 99 out of 200 seats, John Agyekum Kufuor with an incumbent advantage won the 2004 Presidential election with 4, 524, 074 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 128 out of 230 seats.
John Atta Mills/John Mahama in 2012
After narrowly winning the 2008 Presidential election with votes difference of 40, 586 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo, and Parliamentary seats of 116 out of 230, John Atta Mills unfortunately died on 24th July, 2012.
Due to the unfortunate death of John Atta Mills, John Mahama with an Incumbent Advantage contested the 2012 Presidential election and won with 5, 574, 761 votes, and Parliamentary seats 148 out of 275 Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2020
After overwhelmingly winning the 2016 Presidential election with 5, 755, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 169 out of 275 seats, Nana Akufo-Addo with an Incumbent Advantage won the 2020 Presidential election with 6, 730, 587 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 137 out of 275 seats. The Parliamentary performance of Akufo-Addo in 2020 was poor compared to the 2016 Parliamentary seats he won decisively.
Incumbency Disadvantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Disadvantage is typically whereby an incumbent Presidential candidate faces significant difficulties/challenges to win re-election after 8 years in government, especially if the incumbent Presidential candidate is not the sitting President at the time of the general election.
Some of the factors underpinning Incumbency Disadvantage Theory are poorer economic conditions, structural shift in internal party competition, greediness of government appointees, voter’s apathy, failed promises, entrenchment mentality of the Candidate and people within his kitchen cabinet, voter’s impatience, reported cases of corruption, the trustworthy & acceptability of the Presidential candidate, and other factors not mentioned here.
John Atta Mills, Nana Akufo-Addo, John Mahama, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia suffered defeats in respective general elections largely to the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, however, let’s analyze the magnitude of the defeats in accordance with Incumbency Disadvantage Theory:
John Atta Mills in 2000
John Atta Mills first entry into partisan politics was in 1996 when he was nominated by J. J. Rawlings as his Vice-President.
John Atta Mills first attempt at the Presidency was in 2000 general election and despite Incumbency Disadvantage of being in power for 8 years + 11years of his boss Rawlings’ PNDC regime, John Atta Mills successfully pushed the 2000 presidential election to a run-off (second round) with presidential votes of 2, 750, 124, and Parliamentary seats of 92 out of 200 seats while NPP had 99 out of 200 seats.
NPP won the 2000 Parliamentary elections with only 7 seats difference between them and NDC.
John Atta Mills lost to John Agyekum Kufuor after second round in 2000 general elections with votes difference of 881, 139 between him and John Agyekum Kufuor.
John Atta Mills lost the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary elections with Dignity & Respectable Performance.
John Atta Mills was the first Ghanaian sitting Vice-President under the 1992 Constitution to have contested a national presidential election influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory since his party has been in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008
Regardless of the symptoms of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, the performance of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 general election is the BEST performance witnessed under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Nana Akufo-Addo wasn’t a sitting Vice-President yet delivered one of the outstanding election results under the conditions of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory(NPP being in government for 8years).
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election to John Atta Mills with 40, 586 votes difference between him and John Atta Mills.
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election after Run-Off (second round) with Tain eventually deciding the winner of the 2008 Presidential election.
Nana Akufo-Addo equally won 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats for the NPP while the NDC had 116 Parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2008 general election was 9 Seats.
John Mahama in 2016
The 2016 general was a great political dilemma for the ruling NDC because the party itself has been in government for 8 years suffering under Incumbency Disadvantage Theory yet John Mahama, the NDC 2016 Presidential candidate has been in office as an elected President for 4years who he was to benefit from Incumbency Advantage Theory.
However, the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8years of a ruling party) worked against John in the 2016 general election.
John Mahama terribly lost the 2016 general election to Nana Akufo-Addo with votes difference of 984, 570 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo.
John Mahama won 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275 seats for the NDC while Nana Akufo-Addo secured 169 Parliamentary seats for the NPP.
The difference between NPP and NDC in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2016 general election was 63 seats.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024
The expectations for breaking the 8 year cycle was extremely high and hopeful among the supporters of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) largely because there was a firm believe that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia will always be preferred to John Mahama as far as voters’ preferences were concerned. However, Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8 years of a ruling party) worked against Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested national presidential election under the 1992 Constitution influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
The only difference between John Atta Mills and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was that, at the time of the general elections, John Atta Mills has been a Vice-President for 4 years ahead of 2000 general election, while Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia has been a Running-Mate for 8years and Vice-President for 8 years ahead of 2024 general election.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election to John Mahama with 1, 714, 179 (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies). Losing an election with almost 2 Million Votes is a very serious historic crisis that the members of NPP shouldn’t consider such performance as normal, whitewashing the data with unintelligent analysis of New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model, and Incumbency Advantage Theory -Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
2024 was the first time a ruling party has been defeated with such magnitude. John Atta Mills lost the 2000 after second, Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 after second round & Tain declaration, and John Mahama lost the 2016 with 984, 570 votes yet with 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia after the 2024 Parliamentary election won 88 seats out of 276 seats while John Mahama won 183 seats out of 276 seats.
The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2024 general election was overwhelmingly 95 seats.
Therefore, some of the people relying on Incumbency Advantage Theory-Incumbency Disadvantage Theory as well as New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model should understand that, DATA & FACTS doesn’t support such lying analysis.
Deficiencies of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Adekunle Tinubu won the 2023 Presidential residential election of Nigeria in a single round though his Party has been in government for 8years.
William Ruto won the 2022 Presidential election of Kenya after being a Deputy President from 9th April 2013 – 13th September 2022(9years).
Deficiencies of Incumbency Advantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Donald Trump lost the 2020 Presidential election of United States of America after one term in government(4years)
George Manneh Oppong Weah lost the 2023 Presidential election of Liberal after one term in government(6years)
Issued by: Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
For over three centuries, the Golden Stool has been guarded not only by mighty Asante Kings but also by formidable Asantehemaa, whose wisdom, courage, and legacy shaped the destiny of Asanteman.
These are not just names in history, they are mothers of kings, architects of diplomacy, defenders of tradition, and symbols of unyielding strength. Here are our past Queens;
⚫️Nana Nyarko Kusi Amoa – 1695-1722 (27years)
⚫️Nana Nkatia Ntim Abamo – 1722-1740 (18years)
⚫️Nana Akua Afriyie – 1740-1768 (28years)
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom I – 1768-1809 (41years)
•It was during her reign that the Asantehemaa stool was moved from Kokofu to Kumasi, by Asantehene Osei Kwadwo.
⚫️Nana Akosua Adoma – 1809- 1819 (10years)
⚫️Nana Ama Serwaa – 1819- 1828 (9years)
⚫️Nana Yaa Dufie – 1828- 1836 (8years)
⚫️Nana Afia Sarpon – 1836- 1857 (21years)
⚫️Nana Afua Kobi I – 1857- 1880 (23years)
The Queen who vowed to slap the British Governor, Sir Garnet Wolseley with her left hand. When the Governor threatened to claim the Asante Empire as part of its Gold Coast Colony. “I am only a woman, but I would fight the govenor with my left hand”.
Probably, the first Asantehemaa to be photographed at her very old age.
⚫️Nana Yaa Akyiaa – 1880- 1917 (37years
The daughter of Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi I, the mother of Asantehene Prempeh I, she was exiled together with her son to Seychelles Island.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom II – 1917- 1945 (32years)
⚫️Nana Amma Serwaa Nyarko – 1945 – 1977 (28years)
⚫️Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem II-1977 – 2016 (39years)
The mother of the current Asantehene.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom III – 2017 – 2025 (8 years)
The sister of the current Asantehene.
In remembrance of their great legacy, some notable institutions have been named after them.
•Yaa Achiaa Girls’ Basic School at Bompata, the Oldest Girls’ Institution in the entire middle belt of Ghana was named after Asantehemaa Nana Yaa Akyiaa.
•Konadu Yiadom Basic School at Ashtown and Konadu Yiadom SHS at Agona Asaman was named after Asantehemaa Nana Konadu Yiadom I, II and III.
•Serwaa Nyarko Girls’ SHS at Dichemso was named after Asantehemaa Nana Serwaa Nyarko.
•Afua Kobi Ampem Girls’ SHS at Trabuom was named after Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi.
The recent attempt by certain elements within the National Executive Committee (NEC) to expand the party’s Electoral College, based on recommendations following the Quaye Committee Report, is not just misguided. It is a flagrant violation of the New Patriotic Party’s founding principles, and a direct assault on its long-cherished tradition of bottom-up democracy.
To deliberately marginalize polling station executives, the bedrock of our party’s structure is not only procedurally improper; it is constitutionally offensive. No one should dare claim that “there is no data.” The party has maintained comprehensive electoral records and polling station databases since 2012. To pretend otherwise is to insult our collective intelligence and institutional memory.
This calculated expansion, without broad-based consultation or the consent of the grassroots, amounts to a structural hijack, orchestrated to serve narrow personal and political interests. It bypasses the legitimate organs of the party and undermines the very people who toil daily to uphold the NPP’s fortunes at the base.
Let it also be stated without ambiguity: The utter disrespect being shown to President John Agyekum Kufuor, one of the party’s founding fathers and the living conscience of our democratic tradition, is not only shameful, it is immoral. To disregard his counsel and the voices of other revered statesmen within the party, simply to perpetuate a selfish agenda, is to spit on the legacy that brought the NPP into existence.
Let the world know: we will not sit idly by. We will not allow this blatant subterfuge to succeed. The truth will prevail. The grassroots will speak. And when they do, history will remember those who stood on the side of justice.
Why this indecent haste? Why the rush to disfigure our party’s democratic soul? Why are you dragging us into a manufactured crisis at the very moment when unity and credibility should be our top priorities?
The NPP was founded on Danquah-Busia-Dombo principles of inclusiveness, grassroots empowerment, and fidelity to democratic norms. This reckless path you have chosen is a betrayal of that sacred covenant. It disenfranchises the ordinary party foot soldier in favor of backroom manipulation and elite consolidation.
We, therefore, call on all polling station executives, the true custodians of our party’s democratic will, to resist this affront with dignity and courage. To permit such an act is to preside over the slow, painful death of the NPP’s internal democracy. Let history show that when democracy was endangered from within, the grassroots stood firm.
Anything less would be complicity in the erosion of our party’s moral authority and constitutional integrity.
