It is very funny how some members of Dr. Bawumia’s camp are alleging that the decision by SSNIT to sell off 60% of its stake in four hotels to private investors under a public-private partnership with a strategic investor like Rock City Hotel automatically caused the 2024 defeat of the NPP.
However, the two reports which are very dear to the heart of Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, that is, the Mike Oquaye Report and the Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu Report never fingered SSNIT-Rock City deal as the possible cause of NPP’s defeat in 2024.
Dr.Bryan Acheampong
Kennedy Agyapong, Bryan Acheampong, Yaw Osei Adutwum, and all members of NPP EXCEPT Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia and his people have been accused of as the cause of NPP 2024 defeat.
However, according to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in April 2025, NPP lost the elections in 2024 because of:
1. E-levy
2. Domestic Debt Exchange Programme (DDEP)
3. High Cost of living
4. Prices of goods and services went up and left many Ghanaians struggling
5. Arrogance of power (we were not willing to listen)
6. Government’s inability to pay NABCO and others
7. School feeding caterers and others were also not being paid
8. Controversy surrounding the $ 58 million National Cathedral project
9. Last-minute fuel price hike
Other major factors that caused the defeat of NPP in 2024 not mentioned by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia were:
1. Cedi Depreciation, moving $1 to 4ghc to $1 to 17ghc.
2. High Inflation
3. High Interest rates
4. Galamsey
5. Disrespect towards certain Chiefs
6. Break-down of the relationship between NPP and the media
7. Sidelining of Party members leading to Apathy
8. Suffering of the Private sector, and collapse of several private enterprises
9. Failed 1 Village 1 Dam policy, 1 million dollars, one constituency policy, among others
10. Lack of proper infrastructural development and Interchanges in the Ashanti Region as promised.
11. Demographics challenges faced by the 2024 Presidential candidate.
Razak Kojo Opoku (PhD) author
The question now is; When did Public-Private Partnerships become an illegality under the laws of Ghana?
In its own wisdom, Ghana’s Parliament even enacted the Public-Private Partnership Act, 2020 (Act 1039) to regulate the entire PPP process, from project identification to implementation, as well as provisions for procurement, contracting and dispute resolution.
According to the Management of SSNIT before settling on Rock City Hotel, SSNIT:
1. Went through International Competitive Tendering (ICT) processes as prescribed by the Public Procurement Act, 2003 (Act 663), as amended by Act 914 for the selection of a strategic investor.
Commenced the process with the engagement of a Transaction Advisor through ICT method of procurement, with publication of advertisements in the Daily Graphic on 14th November, 2018, and in the Ghanaian Times on 15th November, 2018. The said advertisement was equally published in The Economist, a renowned and reputable international magazine in its 5-11, 2019 edition.
The legitimate questions any reasonable person would ask regarding SSNIT’s decision to sell 60% of its stake in four hotels are;
1. Was Rock City Hotel the only company that applied for the contract? Absolutely NO.
A total of nine (9) companies responded to the advertisements by SSNIT and accordingly submitted proposals by the 23rd of March, 2022 deadline. Six (6) out of the nine (9) companies were shortlisted and issued with Request for Proposal (RFP) documents. The qualifying companies were invited for the opening of their financial proposals.
Based on the technical and financial evaluation by an independent committee, Rock City Hotel emerged the best.
Was the contract finally awarded to Rock City Hotel to take over 60% of SSNIT’s Stake in the four(4) hotels (Labadi Beach Hotel, La Palm Royal Beach Resort, Ridge Royal Hotel, and Elmina Beach Resort) even after emerging with the best and strongest technical and financial proposals amongst those received by SSNIT? Absolutely NO.
The process of SSNIT getting a strategic partnership was not yet concluded before a petition was submitted to CHRAJ requesting for a full-scale investigation into the sale of SSNIT hotels. As a law-abiding corporate entity, Rock City Hotel expressed disinterest in the contract given the impending investigation by CHRAJ, and the politically sponsored attacks on its owner, Dr. Bryan Acheampong.
Is Bryan Acheampong the first businessman who has had his company express an interest in a strategic partnership with Hotels publicly owned by State entity? Absolutely NO.
(a). In 2006, the government in partnership with Saudi Prince, Alwaleed Bin Talal Bin Abdul Aziz Alsaud, a world acclaimed entrepreneur invested about $100 million into the renovations and construction works of the State-owned Ambassador Hotel, which was built as a gift to Ghana about 50 years ago (then in 2006) and now 68years ago in 2025 by the United Kingdom. The Ambassador Hotel has been taken over and managed by Movenpick Hotel, a hotel management chain.
Ghanaians saw nothing wrong with this arrangement probably because the Saudi Prince wasn’t a Black businessman or a Ghanaian Politician. The Saudi Prince expressed an interest in the Ambassador Hotel around 2003.
(b). In 2008, Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited (GLAHCO) took over the ownership of state-owned Kumasi City Hotel and Accra City Hotel and further entered into a contractual agreement with the Golden Tulip Hospitality Group of the Netherlands to manage these two hotels under the brand name Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel and Golden Tulip Accra.
The financiers of the projects were Government of Ghana, Libyan Government Investment Company in Africa, and Ghana Commercial Bank.
Let’s also mention that, in 1979, Ace Hotels and Resorts Limited acquired the Kumasi City Hotel through the formation of a joint venture company to rehabilitate the hotel.
In 2022, the management of Golden Tulip Hotels, the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) stated that, they have leased the Golden Tulip Accra and Golden Tulip Kumasi City Hotel to Achour Holdings, operators of Grand Lancaster chain of hotels for 12years.
Achour Holdings is a private Lebanese company located in Beirut. Imagine the level of political spinning if these two hotels were leased to Rock City Hotel for 12years?
Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company Limited(GLAHCO) is a joint-venture between the Libyan Arab African Investment Company(LAAICO) and the Government of Ghana with participating interest of 40% and 60% equities respectively.
(c). Rawlings’ government ushered in the Ghana Libyan-Arab Holding Company (GLAHCO) during the period of Divestiture Implementation Committee (DIC). The Divestiture Implementation Committee(DIC) is widely considered by many as a body set up by the PNDC junta to oversee the process of their large scale corruption of sale of state lands, buildings, and properties to themselves and their cronies. Over 60 state-owned companies were placed on Divestiture and sold to cronies of NDC between 1989 and 1992.
GLAHCO and several private business persons benefitted from this divestiture exercise.
Certainly, the genuine intentions of Rock City Hotel owned by Dr. Bryan Acheampong to go through all the procurement processes to partner with SSNIT as a strategic investor to raise capital to invest in the SSNIT hotels as well as their management under Public-Private partnership can NEVER be considered as one of the major reasons why the NPP lost the 2024 elections.
….Signed…
Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
Recently, the discussion of the electoral performance of NPP in 2024 has been shifted to the theories of Incumbency Advantage, and Incumbency Disadvantage. That is a very good discussion and it is important that we expose the LIES which some people have been spinning to whitewash data in favour of their preferred Presidential candidate.
Incumbency Advantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Advantage typically refers to the benefits that a Presidential candidate of a ruling party has over opposition Presidential candidates when seeking re-election, especially after completing the first term in government.
Some of the benefits of Incumbency Advantage, especially within the first term in government are access to resources, well established donor & sponsor networks, goodwill of the citizens (voters), and greater tolerance & patience levels of the citizens (voters). These aforementioned factors greatly influence the voting patterns, behaviors, and decisions of the voters in favour of the Presidential candidate who is already in government. Incumbent Presidential candidate typically win re-election at much higher rate than opposition Presidential candidates, especially after the end of the 4 year mandate.
Razak KoJo Opoku (PhD)
J. J. Rawlings, John Agyekum Kufuor, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo enjoyed an Incumbency Advantage Theory under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana. However, let analyze their respective performance in accordance with the Incumbency Advantage Theory
Jerry John Rawlings in 1996
After overwhelmingly winning the 1992 Presidential election with 2, 323, 135 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 189 out of 200 Seats, largely due to the poor decision by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) to boycott the 1992 Parliamentary election, J. J. Rawlings with an incumbent advantage decisively won the 1996 Presidential election with 4, 099, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 134 out of 200 seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 2004
After the overwhelming victory in 2000 Presidential election with 3, 631, 263 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 99 out of 200 seats, John Agyekum Kufuor with an incumbent advantage won the 2004 Presidential election with 4, 524, 074 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 128 out of 230 seats.
John Atta Mills/John Mahama in 2012
After narrowly winning the 2008 Presidential election with votes difference of 40, 586 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo, and Parliamentary seats of 116 out of 230, John Atta Mills unfortunately died on 24th July, 2012.
Due to the unfortunate death of John Atta Mills, John Mahama with an Incumbent Advantage contested the 2012 Presidential election and won with 5, 574, 761 votes, and Parliamentary seats 148 out of 275 Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2020
After overwhelmingly winning the 2016 Presidential election with 5, 755, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 169 out of 275 seats, Nana Akufo-Addo with an Incumbent Advantage won the 2020 Presidential election with 6, 730, 587 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 137 out of 275 seats. The Parliamentary performance of Akufo-Addo in 2020 was poor compared to the 2016 Parliamentary seats he won decisively.
Incumbency Disadvantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Disadvantage is typically whereby an incumbent Presidential candidate faces significant difficulties/challenges to win re-election after 8 years in government, especially if the incumbent Presidential candidate is not the sitting President at the time of the general election.
Some of the factors underpinning Incumbency Disadvantage Theory are poorer economic conditions, structural shift in internal party competition, greediness of government appointees, voter’s apathy, failed promises, entrenchment mentality of the Candidate and people within his kitchen cabinet, voter’s impatience, reported cases of corruption, the trustworthy & acceptability of the Presidential candidate, and other factors not mentioned here.
John Atta Mills, Nana Akufo-Addo, John Mahama, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia suffered defeats in respective general elections largely to the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, however, let’s analyze the magnitude of the defeats in accordance with Incumbency Disadvantage Theory:
John Atta Mills in 2000
John Atta Mills first entry into partisan politics was in 1996 when he was nominated by J. J. Rawlings as his Vice-President.
John Atta Mills first attempt at the Presidency was in 2000 general election and despite Incumbency Disadvantage of being in power for 8 years + 11years of his boss Rawlings’ PNDC regime, John Atta Mills successfully pushed the 2000 presidential election to a run-off (second round) with presidential votes of 2, 750, 124, and Parliamentary seats of 92 out of 200 seats while NPP had 99 out of 200 seats.
NPP won the 2000 Parliamentary elections with only 7 seats difference between them and NDC.
John Atta Mills lost to John Agyekum Kufuor after second round in 2000 general elections with votes difference of 881, 139 between him and John Agyekum Kufuor.
John Atta Mills lost the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary elections with Dignity & Respectable Performance.
John Atta Mills was the first Ghanaian sitting Vice-President under the 1992 Constitution to have contested a national presidential election influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory since his party has been in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008
Regardless of the symptoms of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, the performance of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 general election is the BEST performance witnessed under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Nana Akufo-Addo wasn’t a sitting Vice-President yet delivered one of the outstanding election results under the conditions of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory(NPP being in government for 8years).
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election to John Atta Mills with 40, 586 votes difference between him and John Atta Mills.
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election after Run-Off (second round) with Tain eventually deciding the winner of the 2008 Presidential election.
Nana Akufo-Addo equally won 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats for the NPP while the NDC had 116 Parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2008 general election was 9 Seats.
John Mahama in 2016
The 2016 general was a great political dilemma for the ruling NDC because the party itself has been in government for 8 years suffering under Incumbency Disadvantage Theory yet John Mahama, the NDC 2016 Presidential candidate has been in office as an elected President for 4years who he was to benefit from Incumbency Advantage Theory.
However, the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8years of a ruling party) worked against John in the 2016 general election.
John Mahama terribly lost the 2016 general election to Nana Akufo-Addo with votes difference of 984, 570 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo.
John Mahama won 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275 seats for the NDC while Nana Akufo-Addo secured 169 Parliamentary seats for the NPP.
The difference between NPP and NDC in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2016 general election was 63 seats.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024
The expectations for breaking the 8 year cycle was extremely high and hopeful among the supporters of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) largely because there was a firm believe that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia will always be preferred to John Mahama as far as voters’ preferences were concerned. However, Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8 years of a ruling party) worked against Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested national presidential election under the 1992 Constitution influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
The only difference between John Atta Mills and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was that, at the time of the general elections, John Atta Mills has been a Vice-President for 4 years ahead of 2000 general election, while Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia has been a Running-Mate for 8years and Vice-President for 8 years ahead of 2024 general election.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election to John Mahama with 1, 714, 179 (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies). Losing an election with almost 2 Million Votes is a very serious historic crisis that the members of NPP shouldn’t consider such performance as normal, whitewashing the data with unintelligent analysis of New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model, and Incumbency Advantage Theory -Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
2024 was the first time a ruling party has been defeated with such magnitude. John Atta Mills lost the 2000 after second, Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 after second round & Tain declaration, and John Mahama lost the 2016 with 984, 570 votes yet with 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia after the 2024 Parliamentary election won 88 seats out of 276 seats while John Mahama won 183 seats out of 276 seats.
The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2024 general election was overwhelmingly 95 seats.
Therefore, some of the people relying on Incumbency Advantage Theory-Incumbency Disadvantage Theory as well as New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model should understand that, DATA & FACTS doesn’t support such lying analysis.
Deficiencies of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Adekunle Tinubu won the 2023 Presidential residential election of Nigeria in a single round though his Party has been in government for 8years.
William Ruto won the 2022 Presidential election of Kenya after being a Deputy President from 9th April 2013 – 13th September 2022(9years).
Deficiencies of Incumbency Advantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Donald Trump lost the 2020 Presidential election of United States of America after one term in government(4years)
George Manneh Oppong Weah lost the 2023 Presidential election of Liberal after one term in government(6years)
Issued by: Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
For over three centuries, the Golden Stool has been guarded not only by mighty Asante Kings but also by formidable Asantehemaa, whose wisdom, courage, and legacy shaped the destiny of Asanteman.
These are not just names in history, they are mothers of kings, architects of diplomacy, defenders of tradition, and symbols of unyielding strength. Here are our past Queens;
⚫️Nana Nyarko Kusi Amoa – 1695-1722 (27years)
⚫️Nana Nkatia Ntim Abamo – 1722-1740 (18years)
⚫️Nana Akua Afriyie – 1740-1768 (28years)
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom I – 1768-1809 (41years)
•It was during her reign that the Asantehemaa stool was moved from Kokofu to Kumasi, by Asantehene Osei Kwadwo.
⚫️Nana Akosua Adoma – 1809- 1819 (10years)
⚫️Nana Ama Serwaa – 1819- 1828 (9years)
⚫️Nana Yaa Dufie – 1828- 1836 (8years)
⚫️Nana Afia Sarpon – 1836- 1857 (21years)
⚫️Nana Afua Kobi I – 1857- 1880 (23years)
The Queen who vowed to slap the British Governor, Sir Garnet Wolseley with her left hand. When the Governor threatened to claim the Asante Empire as part of its Gold Coast Colony. “I am only a woman, but I would fight the govenor with my left hand”.
Probably, the first Asantehemaa to be photographed at her very old age.
⚫️Nana Yaa Akyiaa – 1880- 1917 (37years
The daughter of Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi I, the mother of Asantehene Prempeh I, she was exiled together with her son to Seychelles Island.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom II – 1917- 1945 (32years)
⚫️Nana Amma Serwaa Nyarko – 1945 – 1977 (28years)
⚫️Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem II-1977 – 2016 (39years)
The mother of the current Asantehene.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom III – 2017 – 2025 (8 years)
The sister of the current Asantehene.
In remembrance of their great legacy, some notable institutions have been named after them.
•Yaa Achiaa Girls’ Basic School at Bompata, the Oldest Girls’ Institution in the entire middle belt of Ghana was named after Asantehemaa Nana Yaa Akyiaa.
•Konadu Yiadom Basic School at Ashtown and Konadu Yiadom SHS at Agona Asaman was named after Asantehemaa Nana Konadu Yiadom I, II and III.
•Serwaa Nyarko Girls’ SHS at Dichemso was named after Asantehemaa Nana Serwaa Nyarko.
•Afua Kobi Ampem Girls’ SHS at Trabuom was named after Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi.
The recent attempt by certain elements within the National Executive Committee (NEC) to expand the party’s Electoral College, based on recommendations following the Quaye Committee Report, is not just misguided. It is a flagrant violation of the New Patriotic Party’s founding principles, and a direct assault on its long-cherished tradition of bottom-up democracy.
To deliberately marginalize polling station executives, the bedrock of our party’s structure is not only procedurally improper; it is constitutionally offensive. No one should dare claim that “there is no data.” The party has maintained comprehensive electoral records and polling station databases since 2012. To pretend otherwise is to insult our collective intelligence and institutional memory.
This calculated expansion, without broad-based consultation or the consent of the grassroots, amounts to a structural hijack, orchestrated to serve narrow personal and political interests. It bypasses the legitimate organs of the party and undermines the very people who toil daily to uphold the NPP’s fortunes at the base.
Let it also be stated without ambiguity: The utter disrespect being shown to President John Agyekum Kufuor, one of the party’s founding fathers and the living conscience of our democratic tradition, is not only shameful, it is immoral. To disregard his counsel and the voices of other revered statesmen within the party, simply to perpetuate a selfish agenda, is to spit on the legacy that brought the NPP into existence.
Let the world know: we will not sit idly by. We will not allow this blatant subterfuge to succeed. The truth will prevail. The grassroots will speak. And when they do, history will remember those who stood on the side of justice.
Why this indecent haste? Why the rush to disfigure our party’s democratic soul? Why are you dragging us into a manufactured crisis at the very moment when unity and credibility should be our top priorities?
The NPP was founded on Danquah-Busia-Dombo principles of inclusiveness, grassroots empowerment, and fidelity to democratic norms. This reckless path you have chosen is a betrayal of that sacred covenant. It disenfranchises the ordinary party foot soldier in favor of backroom manipulation and elite consolidation.
We, therefore, call on all polling station executives, the true custodians of our party’s democratic will, to resist this affront with dignity and courage. To permit such an act is to preside over the slow, painful death of the NPP’s internal democracy. Let history show that when democracy was endangered from within, the grassroots stood firm.
Anything less would be complicity in the erosion of our party’s moral authority and constitutional integrity.
In an exclusive interview with Graham Kofi Baldwin, a senior journalist, media owner, and member of PRINPAG, we discussed the precarious state of Ghana’s media industry and the urgent need for government intervention.
The Current State of the Media Industry
Graham Kofi Baldwin described the media industry in Ghana as being at a critical juncture, with its fate hanging precariously in the balance. “The collapse of the print media industry and the struggles of the broadcasting industry, particularly in rural areas, pose a significant threat to the sustainability of Ghana’s democracy,” he said.
According to Baldwin, the print media industry has been on a downward trajectory, with the industry having totally collapsed. “Several factors have contributed to this decline, including the politicization of advertisement allocation, which has deprived some newspapers of revenue and led to their collapse,” he added.
Graham Kofi Baldwin
The ECG Bill Conundrum
However, Baldwin emphasized that one of the major factors killing the industry is the huge ECG bills that media outlets, particularly those in rural areas, are forced to pay. “These bills are exorbitant and unsustainable, and since these media outlets are located in rural areas, they do not generate enough revenue to satisfy these responsibilities, including paying salaries for staff,” he said.
He noted that many rural media outlets are struggling to stay afloat, despite their crucial role in educating the populace on important topics. “The high cost of electricity bills is suffocating these media outlets, making it impossible for them to operate sustainably,” he added.
President John Mahama
Government Intervention Needed
Baldwin emphasized the need for government intervention to support the media industry. “The government must prioritize reducing electricity bills for media outlets, particularly in rural areas, and take concrete steps to address the challenges facing media outlets,” he said.
He proposed several measures that the government can take, including:
Reducing electricity bills for media outlets in rural areas
Streamlining regulatory compliance to reduce costs
Promoting transparency in advertisement allocation to ensure fair distribution of revenue
Providing support for rural media outlets, including training and capacity-building programs
Recommendations for the Government
When asked about specific recommendations for the government, Baldwin outlined the following:
Establish a committee to investigate the challenges facing the media industry, including the high cost of electricity bills and regulatory compliance.
Develop a comprehensive plan to support the media industry, including providing training and capacity-building programs for rural media outlets.
Ensure that state advertisements are distributed fairly and transparently, without favoritism or bias.
Review the regulatory framework to ensure that it is fair and reasonable and that media outlets are not burdened with excessive compliance costs.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Baldwin urged the government to prioritize the survival of the media industry, particularly in rural areas. “The stakes are high, and the consequences of inaction would be severe. Let us work together to ensure that the media industry in Ghana continues to thrive and play its vital role in promoting democracy and good governance,” he said.
Chief Justice of the Republic, Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo, has filed two applications at the Community Court of Justice of the Economic Court of West Africa States (ECOWAS) for the enforcement of her human rights over what she says is a blatant disregard to her right for a fair hearing guaranteed by both the Ghana’s 1992 constitution and the 1991 protocol of the Community Court of Justice.
The main application and the motion for provisional measures were filed and received at the registry of the Community Court of Justice in Abuja, Nigeria, on Friday, 4 July 2025. It was filed by Femi Falana San of Falana & Falana Chambers in Nigeria, for and on behalf of the Chief Justice, Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo.
The applications have been served on Ghana through the Minister for Justice and Attorney General. Ghana, per the rules of the Community Court of Justice, has five days to respond to the motion for provisional measures and 30 days to respond to the main application seeking the enforcement of the fundamental human rights of the Chief Justice.
The CJ’s Contention
Among others, the Chief Justice contends in her application that the violation of her right to fair hearing is grounded in the fact that she was not given a copy of either the supposed prima facie determination or the reasons for the making of a prima facie finding by the President before she was suspended by the President and the disciplinary committee formed.
The application further posits that the President’s purported prima facie determination, as communicated in the letter to CJ Torkornoo dated 22 April 2025, contained no reasons or justification for stating that a prima case has been established against her, and was entirely devoid of the elements of judicial or quasi-judicial reasoning expected under the Constitution.
“Fairness implies that the President, in making the prima facie determination with the Council of State, must specify the particular charges in respect of which a prima facie case is deemed to have been established and the reasons for the same.
“The President’s letter failed to do this. It simply stated that a prima facie has been found against the Applicant without more. To date, the Applicant does not know the reasons for the President stating that a prima facie case has been established against her.
“Yet a committee has been formed and is working. The President’s purported prima facie determination was no determination at all, as it failed to meet the standard of a judicious and objective assessment and, as such, was arbitrary and capricious,” the application of the Chief Justice read in part.
Reliefs Sought
To this end, Chief Justice Torkornoo is seeking ten reliefs from the Community Court of Justice. First is a “declaration that the suspension of the Applicant (Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo) as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent’s State on 22 April 2025 violated the Applicant’s human rights to a fair hearing guaranteed by Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights
Second, “a declaration that the panel instituted by the Respondent (Ghana) to investigate and determine the allegations of misconduct against the Applicant was not constituted to guarantee its independence and impartiality and as such has violated the Applicant’s human right to fair hearing guaranteed by Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Third, “a declaration that the purported suspension of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent State on 22 April 2025, constitutes a violation of her human right to fair equitable and satisfactory conditions guaranteed by Article 15 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Fourth, “a declaration that the purported suspension of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent State on 22 April 2025 has exposed her to public ridicule and odium locally and internationally and the said act constitutes a violation of her human right to dignity guaranteed by Article 5 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Fifth, “a declaration that by subjecting the Applicant to an illegal and unfair investigation and trial since April 2025, the Respondent has inflicted injuries on her professional standing and image, thereby ‘exposing her and her family to immeasurable public ridicule.”
Sixth, “an order to the Respondent Republic to act immediately to prescribe the rule of procedure to govern the investigation of allegations of misconduct against the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana in conformity with the right to fair hearing guaranteed by the Constitution of Ghana and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Seventh, “an order directing the Respondent to immediately lift the suspension and restore the Applicant to full office until the conclusion of fair constitutional proceedings.”
Eighth, “an order restraining the Respondent from continuing with the purported inquiry for the removal of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana in its current form, until it conforms to fair hearing guarantees.”
Nineth, “an award of USD 10 million as compensation for moral and reputational damages suffered by the Applicant as a result of her illegal suspension and unfair investigation, and lastly, “any other relief(s) as the Honourable Court deems just.”
Precautionary measures
In the motion for provisional measures filed alongside the main application, Chief Justice Torkornoo requested that the Court, pending its decision on the merits of the main case, assign four precautionary measures to Ghana. The measures are;
First, “that the Republic of Ghana suspend the disciplinary/ removal from office as Chief Justice process against the Applicant, pending the hearing and determination of the complaint on the merits.”
Second, “that Ghana ensures that the Applicant continues to enjoy the paraphernalia and entitlements of her office as the Chief Justice of Ghana pending the hearing and determination of the case.”
Third, “that Ghana refrains from taking any other measures that may harm the rights claimed by the Applicant and /or aggravate or extend the dispute submitted to the Court, or compromise the implementation of any decision that the Court may render.”
Fourth, “given the urgency of the situation, the Applicant respectfully requests the Court to hold a hearing on this request as soon as possible, and that the President of the Court ask Ghana to act in order to allow any order that the Court may issue on the Request for Assignment of Precautionary Measures to have its appropriate effect.”
Background
Chief Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo was suspended from office by the President of the Republic, John Dramani Mahama, on Tuesday (22 April 2025).
The president’s actions, which are said to be grounded in Article 146 (10) of the 1992 constitution, were primarily inspired by three petitions that the president received seeking the removal of the Chief Justice from office.
A group calling itself Shining Stars of Ghana submitted the first petition to the president on 14 February 2025. Kingsley Agyei, who describes himself as the chairman and convenor of the Shining Stars of Ghana, signed the petition.
The second petition, presented to the president by Daniel Ofori, is dated Monday, March 17, 2025. The petitioner essentially states 21 allegations of misbehaviour and four allegations of incompetence, all of which relate to the Chief Justice’s discharge of her administrative roles and functions as head of the judiciary.
Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Ayamga Yakubu Akolgo (Esq), a senior police officer in the Ghana Police Service stationed at the National Police Headquarters in Accra, is the third and final petitioner to submit a petition to the president for the removal of the Chief Justice from office.
Akolgo’s submission was also made on 14 February 2025. He claimed that he had been arrested while appearing before a panel that the Chief Justice was presiding over, so she should be removed from office
In a Statement to the nation on 25th June 2025, CJ Torkornoo had pointed to violation of her right to fair hearing by the Committee formed by the President refusing to serve her with a copy of the papers given to them to investigate, and refusing to recognize her lawyer after inviting him to proceedings with a hearing notice.
In a deeply moving tribute that has resonated across social media and political circles, Member of Parliament for Atiwa East, Hon. Abena Osei-Asare, has shared her heartbreak and reflections following the sudden passing of her colleague and close friend, Hon. Ernest Kumi, the Member of Parliament for Akwatia.
In an emotional statement titled “A Final Conversation I Will Never Forget,” Hon. Osei-Asare recounted her final moments with the late MP, describing a heartfelt conversation they had just days before his passing. The two had stood together in Parliament’s Chamber, confiding in each other about the pressures of public service, their personal struggles, and the hopes that still carried them through the storm.
Late Hon. Ernest Kumi,
“Ernest opened up to me about the toll recent months had taken on him — the legal struggles, the exhaustion, the quiet moments of doubt,” she revealed. “And yet, in that moment, even in his weariness, he had the strength to encourage me.”
Hon. Osei-Asare recalled how they encouraged one another to persevere despite the challenges they faced. She never imagined it would be their last exchange.
News of Hon. Ernest Kumi’s sudden death, at just 40 years old, has shocked the nation. Hon. Osei-Asare described him as “full of promise, full of heart… a brother, a dreamer, a fighter,” and mourned the profound loss not just of a colleague, but of a genuinely good man devoted to public service.
“He ran his race. He gave it his all. And we will never forget him,” she concluded in her tribute.
Hon. Ernest Kumi, a first-time MP and rising star in the New Patriotic Party (NPP), is being remembered for his dedication to the people of Akwatia, his humility, and his quiet but determined pursuit of justice and service.
The Parliament of Ghana, his constituents, and the broader political community continue to mourn his passing. Funeral arrangements are yet to be announced.
In a compelling social media post that has sparked widespread conversation, Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq., Head of Campaign Communications for Hon. Ken Agyapong, delivered a moving tribute to the presidential hopeful’s entrepreneurial journey, from hawking on the streets of Accra to building a business empire.
Titled “The Entrepreneur They Never Saw Coming…”, the post vividly recounts Ken Agyapong’s early days selling in traffic with grit and purpose, long before titles or fame. It highlights the life lessons he learned in the chaos of Accra’s streets, discipline, branding, timing, persuasion, lessons no classroom could teach.
“He was mastering entrepreneurship in its rawest form, without capital, without connections, only grit,” Amoh-Darteh wrote. “What began with a tray would one day become an empire.”
The post has resonated deeply across digital platforms, especially among Ghana’s youth and entrepreneurial communities, who see in Ken Agyapong a leader who understands struggle and hustle, not just policy.
The message underscores the campaign’s broader narrative: that Ken Agyapong is not just a politician, but a product of hard work and self-made success, a candidate who truly understands what it means to rise from nothing.
As the Ken2028 campaign gains momentum, this message is setting a strong emotional tone that positions Agyapong as “the doer Ghana needs.”
Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever
Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960*
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Dr.Razak KoJo Opoku
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
….Signed….
Dr. Razak Kojo Opoku
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute.Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever: Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
The strategic vision of Dr. Bryan Acheampong (DBA) for the transformation of Ghana is anchored on three(3) pillars, namely:
D- Development in Freedom Policy
The first pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly be based on “Development in Freedom” across all sectors of the economy, especially in accordance with achieving the following:
1. Political Objectives of Ghana (Article 35 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Economic Objectives of Ghana (Article 36 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Social Objectives of Ghana (Article 37 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Dr Bryan Acheampong
Educational Objectives of Ghana (Article 38 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Cultural Objectives of Ghana(Article 39 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
International Policy of Ghana (Article 40 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
All the provisions of one’s Fundamental Human Rights and Freedom as captured under Chapter Five(5) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Article 1(1) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, that is, upholding and strictly complying with the Supremacy of the Constitution.
Sustainability of absolute Freedom and Independence of the Media as captured under Chapter Twelve (12) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Freedom is the ultimate end goal of national development, and as such, the “Development in Freedom Policy” by Bryan Acheampong would take care of:
1. Economic and Financial Freedom
Political Freedom
Judicial Freedom
Media Freedom
Social Freedom
Intellectual/Academic/Professional Freedom
Freedom of Choice
Freedom of Speech
Freedom of Expression
Freedom of Association.
National Unity and Cohesion
Respect for Diversity dynamics, Equity, and Inclusion
The Development in Freedom Policy of Bryan Acheampong would successfully foster:
1. All-Inclusiveness without any form of discrimination.
Meritocracy as a benchmark for appointing public officials into government.
Solid collaboration with CSOs and think tanks for national development and public sector accountability.
Law and Order
Human Security, IoT Security, Cybersecurity, and Data Security
Operational & Territorial Security
Transparency and Fight against Corruption
2. B-Business Friendly Environment for the Private Sector & Investors
The second pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly and prudently ensure that there is:
1. Massive drive for Private Sector growth and development as enshrined in Article 36(2b & 2c) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Tremendous promotion of Africapitalism in Ghana, as one of the strategies for accelerating job creation, wealth creation, as well as attracting Foreign Investors into Ghana.
Public-Private Partnerships at no cost to government institutions.
Infrastructural Development and National Beautification Programme(NBP) aimed at boosting tourism as well as achieving environmental sustainability in Ghana.
Inclusive growth and inclusive development across Ghana under the theme, “No Region Left Behind Policy” Proposed by Dr. Bryan Acheampong for a proper equitable national development across Ghana.
Prudent management of economic indicators such as Exchange Rate, Inflation, and Interest Rates aimed at creating the right enabling environment for the business community and investors.
3. A- Advance Economic Ecosystems of Ghana
The third pillar of Bryan’s government would focus on positioning Ghana as one of the economic giants of Africa competing fairly on the global market. This third objective would be achieved through:
1. A well-diversified economy aimed at addressing unemployment and low quality of well-being.
Massive investments into advanced technology leading to the creation of:
(a). Sustainable Digital Economic Revolution(SDER)
(b). Sustainable Food and Agricultural products(SFAP) aimed at achieving food security as well as boosting the export capacity of Ghana.
(c) Sustainable Energy Supply
(d). Environmental Sustainability(ES), addressing the menace of Galamsey.
(e). Sustainable Healthcare Delivery Systems across all the MMDAs in Ghana.
Ghana’s Bright Future is with Bryan.
Issued by:Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
