In an exclusive interview with Graham Kofi Baldwin, a senior journalist, media owner, and member of PRINPAG, we discussed the precarious state of Ghana’s media industry and the urgent need for government intervention.
The Current State of the Media Industry
Graham Kofi Baldwin described the media industry in Ghana as being at a critical juncture, with its fate hanging precariously in the balance. “The collapse of the print media industry and the struggles of the broadcasting industry, particularly in rural areas, pose a significant threat to the sustainability of Ghana’s democracy,” he said.
According to Baldwin, the print media industry has been on a downward trajectory, with the industry having totally collapsed. “Several factors have contributed to this decline, including the politicization of advertisement allocation, which has deprived some newspapers of revenue and led to their collapse,” he added.
Graham Kofi Baldwin
The ECG Bill Conundrum
However, Baldwin emphasized that one of the major factors killing the industry is the huge ECG bills that media outlets, particularly those in rural areas, are forced to pay. “These bills are exorbitant and unsustainable, and since these media outlets are located in rural areas, they do not generate enough revenue to satisfy these responsibilities, including paying salaries for staff,” he said.
He noted that many rural media outlets are struggling to stay afloat, despite their crucial role in educating the populace on important topics. “The high cost of electricity bills is suffocating these media outlets, making it impossible for them to operate sustainably,” he added.
President John Mahama
Government Intervention Needed
Baldwin emphasized the need for government intervention to support the media industry. “The government must prioritize reducing electricity bills for media outlets, particularly in rural areas, and take concrete steps to address the challenges facing media outlets,” he said.
He proposed several measures that the government can take, including:
Reducing electricity bills for media outlets in rural areas
Streamlining regulatory compliance to reduce costs
Promoting transparency in advertisement allocation to ensure fair distribution of revenue
Providing support for rural media outlets, including training and capacity-building programs
Recommendations for the Government
When asked about specific recommendations for the government, Baldwin outlined the following:
Establish a committee to investigate the challenges facing the media industry, including the high cost of electricity bills and regulatory compliance.
Develop a comprehensive plan to support the media industry, including providing training and capacity-building programs for rural media outlets.
Ensure that state advertisements are distributed fairly and transparently, without favoritism or bias.
Review the regulatory framework to ensure that it is fair and reasonable and that media outlets are not burdened with excessive compliance costs.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Baldwin urged the government to prioritize the survival of the media industry, particularly in rural areas. “The stakes are high, and the consequences of inaction would be severe. Let us work together to ensure that the media industry in Ghana continues to thrive and play its vital role in promoting democracy and good governance,” he said.
Chief Justice of the Republic, Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo, has filed two applications at the Community Court of Justice of the Economic Court of West Africa States (ECOWAS) for the enforcement of her human rights over what she says is a blatant disregard to her right for a fair hearing guaranteed by both the Ghana’s 1992 constitution and the 1991 protocol of the Community Court of Justice.
The main application and the motion for provisional measures were filed and received at the registry of the Community Court of Justice in Abuja, Nigeria, on Friday, 4 July 2025. It was filed by Femi Falana San of Falana & Falana Chambers in Nigeria, for and on behalf of the Chief Justice, Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo.
The applications have been served on Ghana through the Minister for Justice and Attorney General. Ghana, per the rules of the Community Court of Justice, has five days to respond to the motion for provisional measures and 30 days to respond to the main application seeking the enforcement of the fundamental human rights of the Chief Justice.
The CJ’s Contention
Among others, the Chief Justice contends in her application that the violation of her right to fair hearing is grounded in the fact that she was not given a copy of either the supposed prima facie determination or the reasons for the making of a prima facie finding by the President before she was suspended by the President and the disciplinary committee formed.
The application further posits that the President’s purported prima facie determination, as communicated in the letter to CJ Torkornoo dated 22 April 2025, contained no reasons or justification for stating that a prima case has been established against her, and was entirely devoid of the elements of judicial or quasi-judicial reasoning expected under the Constitution.
“Fairness implies that the President, in making the prima facie determination with the Council of State, must specify the particular charges in respect of which a prima facie case is deemed to have been established and the reasons for the same.
“The President’s letter failed to do this. It simply stated that a prima facie has been found against the Applicant without more. To date, the Applicant does not know the reasons for the President stating that a prima facie case has been established against her.
“Yet a committee has been formed and is working. The President’s purported prima facie determination was no determination at all, as it failed to meet the standard of a judicious and objective assessment and, as such, was arbitrary and capricious,” the application of the Chief Justice read in part.
Reliefs Sought
To this end, Chief Justice Torkornoo is seeking ten reliefs from the Community Court of Justice. First is a “declaration that the suspension of the Applicant (Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo) as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent’s State on 22 April 2025 violated the Applicant’s human rights to a fair hearing guaranteed by Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights
Second, “a declaration that the panel instituted by the Respondent (Ghana) to investigate and determine the allegations of misconduct against the Applicant was not constituted to guarantee its independence and impartiality and as such has violated the Applicant’s human right to fair hearing guaranteed by Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Third, “a declaration that the purported suspension of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent State on 22 April 2025, constitutes a violation of her human right to fair equitable and satisfactory conditions guaranteed by Article 15 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Fourth, “a declaration that the purported suspension of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana by the President of the Respondent State on 22 April 2025 has exposed her to public ridicule and odium locally and internationally and the said act constitutes a violation of her human right to dignity guaranteed by Article 5 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Fifth, “a declaration that by subjecting the Applicant to an illegal and unfair investigation and trial since April 2025, the Respondent has inflicted injuries on her professional standing and image, thereby ‘exposing her and her family to immeasurable public ridicule.”
Sixth, “an order to the Respondent Republic to act immediately to prescribe the rule of procedure to govern the investigation of allegations of misconduct against the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana in conformity with the right to fair hearing guaranteed by the Constitution of Ghana and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.”
Seventh, “an order directing the Respondent to immediately lift the suspension and restore the Applicant to full office until the conclusion of fair constitutional proceedings.”
Eighth, “an order restraining the Respondent from continuing with the purported inquiry for the removal of the Applicant as the Chief Justice of the Republic of Ghana in its current form, until it conforms to fair hearing guarantees.”
Nineth, “an award of USD 10 million as compensation for moral and reputational damages suffered by the Applicant as a result of her illegal suspension and unfair investigation, and lastly, “any other relief(s) as the Honourable Court deems just.”
Precautionary measures
In the motion for provisional measures filed alongside the main application, Chief Justice Torkornoo requested that the Court, pending its decision on the merits of the main case, assign four precautionary measures to Ghana. The measures are;
First, “that the Republic of Ghana suspend the disciplinary/ removal from office as Chief Justice process against the Applicant, pending the hearing and determination of the complaint on the merits.”
Second, “that Ghana ensures that the Applicant continues to enjoy the paraphernalia and entitlements of her office as the Chief Justice of Ghana pending the hearing and determination of the case.”
Third, “that Ghana refrains from taking any other measures that may harm the rights claimed by the Applicant and /or aggravate or extend the dispute submitted to the Court, or compromise the implementation of any decision that the Court may render.”
Fourth, “given the urgency of the situation, the Applicant respectfully requests the Court to hold a hearing on this request as soon as possible, and that the President of the Court ask Ghana to act in order to allow any order that the Court may issue on the Request for Assignment of Precautionary Measures to have its appropriate effect.”
Background
Chief Justice Gertrude Araba Esaaba Sackey Torkornoo was suspended from office by the President of the Republic, John Dramani Mahama, on Tuesday (22 April 2025).
The president’s actions, which are said to be grounded in Article 146 (10) of the 1992 constitution, were primarily inspired by three petitions that the president received seeking the removal of the Chief Justice from office.
A group calling itself Shining Stars of Ghana submitted the first petition to the president on 14 February 2025. Kingsley Agyei, who describes himself as the chairman and convenor of the Shining Stars of Ghana, signed the petition.
The second petition, presented to the president by Daniel Ofori, is dated Monday, March 17, 2025. The petitioner essentially states 21 allegations of misbehaviour and four allegations of incompetence, all of which relate to the Chief Justice’s discharge of her administrative roles and functions as head of the judiciary.
Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Ayamga Yakubu Akolgo (Esq), a senior police officer in the Ghana Police Service stationed at the National Police Headquarters in Accra, is the third and final petitioner to submit a petition to the president for the removal of the Chief Justice from office.
Akolgo’s submission was also made on 14 February 2025. He claimed that he had been arrested while appearing before a panel that the Chief Justice was presiding over, so she should be removed from office
In a Statement to the nation on 25th June 2025, CJ Torkornoo had pointed to violation of her right to fair hearing by the Committee formed by the President refusing to serve her with a copy of the papers given to them to investigate, and refusing to recognize her lawyer after inviting him to proceedings with a hearing notice.
In a deeply moving tribute that has resonated across social media and political circles, Member of Parliament for Atiwa East, Hon. Abena Osei-Asare, has shared her heartbreak and reflections following the sudden passing of her colleague and close friend, Hon. Ernest Kumi, the Member of Parliament for Akwatia.
In an emotional statement titled “A Final Conversation I Will Never Forget,” Hon. Osei-Asare recounted her final moments with the late MP, describing a heartfelt conversation they had just days before his passing. The two had stood together in Parliament’s Chamber, confiding in each other about the pressures of public service, their personal struggles, and the hopes that still carried them through the storm.
Late Hon. Ernest Kumi,
“Ernest opened up to me about the toll recent months had taken on him — the legal struggles, the exhaustion, the quiet moments of doubt,” she revealed. “And yet, in that moment, even in his weariness, he had the strength to encourage me.”
Hon. Osei-Asare recalled how they encouraged one another to persevere despite the challenges they faced. She never imagined it would be their last exchange.
News of Hon. Ernest Kumi’s sudden death, at just 40 years old, has shocked the nation. Hon. Osei-Asare described him as “full of promise, full of heart… a brother, a dreamer, a fighter,” and mourned the profound loss not just of a colleague, but of a genuinely good man devoted to public service.
“He ran his race. He gave it his all. And we will never forget him,” she concluded in her tribute.
Hon. Ernest Kumi, a first-time MP and rising star in the New Patriotic Party (NPP), is being remembered for his dedication to the people of Akwatia, his humility, and his quiet but determined pursuit of justice and service.
The Parliament of Ghana, his constituents, and the broader political community continue to mourn his passing. Funeral arrangements are yet to be announced.
In a compelling social media post that has sparked widespread conversation, Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq., Head of Campaign Communications for Hon. Ken Agyapong, delivered a moving tribute to the presidential hopeful’s entrepreneurial journey, from hawking on the streets of Accra to building a business empire.
Titled “The Entrepreneur They Never Saw Coming…”, the post vividly recounts Ken Agyapong’s early days selling in traffic with grit and purpose, long before titles or fame. It highlights the life lessons he learned in the chaos of Accra’s streets, discipline, branding, timing, persuasion, lessons no classroom could teach.
“He was mastering entrepreneurship in its rawest form, without capital, without connections, only grit,” Amoh-Darteh wrote. “What began with a tray would one day become an empire.”
The post has resonated deeply across digital platforms, especially among Ghana’s youth and entrepreneurial communities, who see in Ken Agyapong a leader who understands struggle and hustle, not just policy.
The message underscores the campaign’s broader narrative: that Ken Agyapong is not just a politician, but a product of hard work and self-made success, a candidate who truly understands what it means to rise from nothing.
As the Ken2028 campaign gains momentum, this message is setting a strong emotional tone that positions Agyapong as “the doer Ghana needs.”
Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever
Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960*
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Dr.Razak KoJo Opoku
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
….Signed….
Dr. Razak Kojo Opoku
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute.Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever: Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
The strategic vision of Dr. Bryan Acheampong (DBA) for the transformation of Ghana is anchored on three(3) pillars, namely:
D- Development in Freedom Policy
The first pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly be based on “Development in Freedom” across all sectors of the economy, especially in accordance with achieving the following:
1. Political Objectives of Ghana (Article 35 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Economic Objectives of Ghana (Article 36 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Social Objectives of Ghana (Article 37 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Dr Bryan Acheampong
Educational Objectives of Ghana (Article 38 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Cultural Objectives of Ghana(Article 39 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
International Policy of Ghana (Article 40 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
All the provisions of one’s Fundamental Human Rights and Freedom as captured under Chapter Five(5) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Article 1(1) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, that is, upholding and strictly complying with the Supremacy of the Constitution.
Sustainability of absolute Freedom and Independence of the Media as captured under Chapter Twelve (12) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Freedom is the ultimate end goal of national development, and as such, the “Development in Freedom Policy” by Bryan Acheampong would take care of:
1. Economic and Financial Freedom
Political Freedom
Judicial Freedom
Media Freedom
Social Freedom
Intellectual/Academic/Professional Freedom
Freedom of Choice
Freedom of Speech
Freedom of Expression
Freedom of Association.
National Unity and Cohesion
Respect for Diversity dynamics, Equity, and Inclusion
The Development in Freedom Policy of Bryan Acheampong would successfully foster:
1. All-Inclusiveness without any form of discrimination.
Meritocracy as a benchmark for appointing public officials into government.
Solid collaboration with CSOs and think tanks for national development and public sector accountability.
Law and Order
Human Security, IoT Security, Cybersecurity, and Data Security
Operational & Territorial Security
Transparency and Fight against Corruption
2. B-Business Friendly Environment for the Private Sector & Investors
The second pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly and prudently ensure that there is:
1. Massive drive for Private Sector growth and development as enshrined in Article 36(2b & 2c) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Tremendous promotion of Africapitalism in Ghana, as one of the strategies for accelerating job creation, wealth creation, as well as attracting Foreign Investors into Ghana.
Public-Private Partnerships at no cost to government institutions.
Infrastructural Development and National Beautification Programme(NBP) aimed at boosting tourism as well as achieving environmental sustainability in Ghana.
Inclusive growth and inclusive development across Ghana under the theme, “No Region Left Behind Policy” Proposed by Dr. Bryan Acheampong for a proper equitable national development across Ghana.
Prudent management of economic indicators such as Exchange Rate, Inflation, and Interest Rates aimed at creating the right enabling environment for the business community and investors.
3. A- Advance Economic Ecosystems of Ghana
The third pillar of Bryan’s government would focus on positioning Ghana as one of the economic giants of Africa competing fairly on the global market. This third objective would be achieved through:
1. A well-diversified economy aimed at addressing unemployment and low quality of well-being.
Massive investments into advanced technology leading to the creation of:
(a). Sustainable Digital Economic Revolution(SDER)
(b). Sustainable Food and Agricultural products(SFAP) aimed at achieving food security as well as boosting the export capacity of Ghana.
(c) Sustainable Energy Supply
(d). Environmental Sustainability(ES), addressing the menace of Galamsey.
(e). Sustainable Healthcare Delivery Systems across all the MMDAs in Ghana.
Ghana’s Bright Future is with Bryan.
Issued by:Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
THE NDC’S BARBARISM RETURNS: UNLAWFUL DETENTION OF CHAIRMAN WONTUMI, A DANGEROUS ECHO OF THE NDC’S HISTORICAL MISTREATMENT OF ASHANTIS
William Yamoah, Director of Finance and Administration
In the heart of Ghana’s democracy, the Ashanti region has consistently upheld the values of freedom, justice, and political participation. Yet, we are confronted with a chilling reminder that the NDC have neither outgrown their disdain for Ashantis.
The unlawful detention of Chairman Wontumi, the Ashanti Regional Chairman of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), is not an isolated incident. It is part of a deeply troubling pattern that stretches back decades. This pattern has been historically woven by the National Democratic Congress (NDC) through intimidation, persecution, and calculated attempts to break the spirit of the Ashanti people, simply because they refuse to bow to NDC dominance.
Let the record reflect:
In 1992, when the NDC assumed power under the guise of democratic transition, it was the Ashanti Region that bore the brunt of electoral violence, vote suppression, and military harassment. Communities were invaded, and citizens were brutalized simply for showing loyalty to the NPP.
Economic sabotage and politically motivated harassment targeted several known Ashanti businessmen and women who supported the NPP in 1996. State institutions were weaponised to silence and impoverish the Ashantis and, by extension, the Akans.
Fast forward to 2008, the NDC, returning to power, resumed its subtle and overt tactics to marginalise the Ashanti Region, neglecting critical infrastructure, sidelining development, and targeting pro-NPP individuals for bureaucratic frustrations.
Now, in 2025, the script is disturbingly familiar.
The arbitrary and politically motivated detention of Chairman Wontumi is not just an attack on one man; it is an attack on the entire Ashanti people and its proud tradition of political freedom and loyalty to democratic values.
There is no convincingly legal basis to justify the Chairman Wontumi’s detention. The procedure has not been transparent. The result is a flagrant abuse of power and a clear attempt to provoke fear and suppress political momentum in a region the NDC has always sought to dominate through intimidation and harassment.
We must ask: Why is it always the Ashanti Region, the Ashantis, and the Akans that face this hostility when the NDC is in power? Is it because the region remains a stronghold of resistance against tyranny?
Is it because the people of Ashanti dare to vote for the NDC and speak freely? The history of the NDC indicates a profound animosity towards the Ashantis, and the recent detention demonstrates the persistence of long-standing customs.
Ghanaians must not sit idly. Civil society, the clergy, traditional leaders, and international observers must rise and condemn this political intimidation. Today it is the NPP Chairman in the Ashanti Region. Tomorrow, it could be any successful Ashanti businessperson.
Ashantis should not be intimidated. We respectfully call on His Royal Majesty to come to the rescue of his people from the barbaric leadership of the NDC.
We pray upon His Majesty to demand the immediate and unconditional release of Chairman Wontumi.
And to the NDC: history may have been forgiving, but the people have not forgotten. The Ashanti spirit cannot be caged, detained, or silenced. Not now. Not ever.
RE: FALSE CLAIMS LINKING ME TO CHARLES OPOKU’S STATEMENTS AGAINST HON. KEN OHENE AGYAPONG
My attention has been drawn to a graphic being circulated online, attempting to link me to the views and actions of Mr. Charles Opoku simply because of an old photograph. Let me state emphatically and for the record:
That, the photograph was taken in 2022, during the period I was campaigning to become the General Secretary of our party. Mr. Opoku, like many other party members and well-wishers, visited my office, and we took a picture, as is customary in politics and social interactions.
Lawyer Justin Frimpong Kodua, NPP General Secretary
To suggest that a photograph implies sanctioning or influence over someone’s actions is not only intellectually dishonest but a dangerous precedent that cheapens political discourse. If we begin to interpret every picture as a political endorsement or conspiracy, then nearly every personality in our party would be implicated in every action taken by anyone they’ve ever taken a photo with.
Let us rise above this kind of gutter politics. Our party is built on values, ideas, and service, not whisper campaigns, false associations, and fabricated tensions. I have not, and will never, encourage or condone attacks on any member of our party, including Hon. Ken Ohene Agyapong.
ADVICE TO PARTY FAITHFUL AND MEDIA PLATFORMS
Let us focus on unity, maturity, and principled politics as we head into a crucial election season. I urge all party communicators and sympathizers to desist from divisive tactics and concentrate on the message of hope, development, and transformation that the NPP stands for.
Open Letter To National Chairman & General Secretary
Dear Sir,
Subject: Let’s build a Stronger Party Before electing a Flagbearer: Why NPP Must Reject Top-Down Flagbearer First Proposals.
As a committed member of the New Patriotic Party and in my capacity as Deputy Protocol Director, I strongly oppose the proposal suggesting that the NPP should elect its flagbearer first before electing other internal party positions. This idea not only contradicts our long-standing democratic traditions but also threatens to erode the very foundation upon which our party was built — the grassroots.
Kwabena Frimpong
Undermining Grassroots Participation
The strength of the NPP lies in its vibrant and committed base, starting from the polling stations, through the electoral areas, constituencies, regions and National. Our traditional approach electing party officers from the bottom up ensures that the decision-making power begins with the grassroots. Electing a flagbearer first reverses this structure and effectively sidelines the voice of the grassroots, weakening the democratic spirit that weaken the NPP democratical principles of the party.
Risk of Imposed Leadership
When a flagbearer is elected before the party’s base structures are fully formed or renewed, it opens the door for favoritism, manipulation, and potential imposition of preferred candidates on the rank-and-file.
This top-down method creates a power imbalance, where the chosen flagbearer may unduly influence the selection of party executives at all other levels whom are perceived his supporters eroding fairness and trust in the process.
All prospective aspirants perceived to be anti the Flagbearer would be sidelined in the internal election leading to more division in the party
Conflicts of Interest and Internal Disunity
Historically, the NPP has avoided internal strife by allowing the party to rebuild its structures before choosing its Flagbearer. If we flip the order and select a flagbearer first, we risk deepening factionalism within the party, as aspirants may attempt to use their influence to install loyalists across various levels, rather than focusing on building a united and efficient party machinery.
Institutional Precedent Matters
Our electoral tradition has always prioritized party organization before presidential ambitions. This structure is not only time-tested but also designed to produce a well-prepared, organized, and united front. Changing the process arbitrarily — particularly to favor a few individuals — could set a dangerous precedent where party rules are bent for political convenience.
Organizational Efficiency and Mobilization
A solid and legitimate executive base across all levels is necessary to mobilize effectively for any national election. Without elected local and regional executives, a flagbearer will lack the full support structure needed to launch a cohesive and effective campaign. Electing executives first ensures the flagbearer inherits a functional and representative party ready for battle.
Electing Party Executives before the Flagbearer would enhance check and balances
When the party executives are elected before the Flagbearer, there would be proper check and balances when setting up the National Campaign team and Manifesto committee to avoid a one sided team filled with only loyalists of the Flagbearer but a United campaign team even with members from the Flagbearers opposing teams members.
Finally, as a proud member and servant of this great party, I believe it is in the best interest of the NPP to uphold its tradition of bottom-up leadership selection which has been done from the formation of the party in 1992. We must resist attempts to centralize power and instead trust the structures that have guided us to four(4) presidential electoral victories time and time again. Let us continue to build the party from the grassroots which would be strong, united, and prepared for election 2028 before we choose our next Flagbearer, no one begins building a house by installing the roof before laying the foundation. To construct a solid house, you must start from the ground up not top down.
By Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq.
May 7, 2025
In the heart of the Earth’s embrace, where ancient wisdom converges with untold potential, there lies a country that some might overlook—and yet, one that holds in its soil, air, and soul, the very answers to its own future. Ghana.
To the untrained eye, it may seem like another African country; to the discerning visionaries, however, it is a treasure chest, long ignored. And there stands a man—Kennedy Ohene Agyapong—whose entire being vibrates with the undeniable truth: Ghana is not poor. It is simply waiting to awaken. Waiting for those who dare to see its riches and its promise not as a question, but as an answer.
Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq. Mr.Kennedy Ohene Agyapong
Like the Western Apache elders in Keith Basso’s Wisdom Sits in Places, Agyapong sees that wisdom is not abstract; it sits in the land, in the people, in every corner of the earth beneath his feet. Cocoa, cashew, sugarcane, cassava, rice, and palm nut—these aren’t just crops. They are potential. They are power. They are what Ghana holds within itself, what could catapult the country into the future.
But this is not just about planting seeds. This is about reimagining them. The true genius of Ken Agyapong’s vision lies in his understanding that value addition—transforming raw material into finished goods—will be the beating heart of Ghana’s economic renaissance. He doesn’t just want cocoa beans exported—he wants chocolate bars, he wants oils, he wants products that carry Ghanaian pride and prosperity from the soil to the shelves of the world.
But there’s more. Much more.
What if I told you that Ghana—this nation sitting on the edge of the Gulf of Guinea—is the closest landmass to the very center of the Earth? A place so powerful that the Prime Meridian passes through its shores in Tema. Did you know that Ghana is located a mere five degrees north of the Equator? A geographical advantage so profound, it could easily elevate Ghana from a developing country to a globally recognized hub of tourism, science, and innovation.
Ken Agyapong’s vision takes us here: “If Mount Everest can draw adventurers from across the world, why can’t the center of the Earth draw thinkers, dreamers, and travelers?” Imagine it—a monument in Tema, marking the convergence of the globe’s invisible lines, standing as a testament not only to Ghana’s geographical importance but as a place of global pilgrimage, a beacon of discovery.
This is not some fleeting fantasy. This is a call to action—a reminder that Ghana’s potential isn’t something hidden far away. It is here, nestled in the geography and in the cultural heartbeat of the nation. Ken Agyapong’s focus isn’t just on the future; it’s on rediscovering and reclaiming what was always here, waiting to be recognized.
Yet, as Basso understood, wisdom does not merely sit in the land—it lives in the people. In the very hearts of Ghanaians, who have, for generations, endured and persevered through adversity. Ken Agyapong calls upon this spirit—the spirit of self-reliance, the spirit of innovation, and the spirit of pride. He asks the youth to return to the soil, not in defeat, but as creators of their own opportunities. To him, the true measure of patriotism isn’t just waving a flag; it is about transforming that land into a place where dreams are not only imagined but realized.
Through his ventures—business, education, and philanthropy—Ken Agyapong is proving this vision. He has never merely spoken of what Ghana can be—he has acted. He has built schools, created jobs, and invested in a future that places the power firmly in the hands of Ghanaians.
And so, it is with boldness and clarity that he says: the wisdom that guides us is not found in far-off places. It is found in us, in our will to act, to believe, to build. It sits in the people, in their resilience, in their ability to see beyond the immediate and into the long-term horizon.
In Ken Agyapong, Ghana has a leader who doesn’t just look at what is, but sees what could be. He doesn’t just hear the call of the future—he answers it, with every step he takes.
The question now is: are we ready to listen to the land, to the wisdom sitting in the people, to the promise of tomorrow?
Because when all is said and done, the greatest wisdom isn’t knowing what is already in front of us—it’s understanding the potential that lies waiting to be claimed.
