In a deeply moving tribute that has resonated across social media and political circles, Member of Parliament for Atiwa East, Hon. Abena Osei-Asare, has shared her heartbreak and reflections following the sudden passing of her colleague and close friend, Hon. Ernest Kumi, the Member of Parliament for Akwatia.
In an emotional statement titled “A Final Conversation I Will Never Forget,” Hon. Osei-Asare recounted her final moments with the late MP, describing a heartfelt conversation they had just days before his passing. The two had stood together in Parliament’s Chamber, confiding in each other about the pressures of public service, their personal struggles, and the hopes that still carried them through the storm.
Late Hon. Ernest Kumi,
“Ernest opened up to me about the toll recent months had taken on him — the legal struggles, the exhaustion, the quiet moments of doubt,” she revealed. “And yet, in that moment, even in his weariness, he had the strength to encourage me.”
Hon. Osei-Asare recalled how they encouraged one another to persevere despite the challenges they faced. She never imagined it would be their last exchange.
News of Hon. Ernest Kumi’s sudden death, at just 40 years old, has shocked the nation. Hon. Osei-Asare described him as “full of promise, full of heart… a brother, a dreamer, a fighter,” and mourned the profound loss not just of a colleague, but of a genuinely good man devoted to public service.
“He ran his race. He gave it his all. And we will never forget him,” she concluded in her tribute.
Hon. Ernest Kumi, a first-time MP and rising star in the New Patriotic Party (NPP), is being remembered for his dedication to the people of Akwatia, his humility, and his quiet but determined pursuit of justice and service.
The Parliament of Ghana, his constituents, and the broader political community continue to mourn his passing. Funeral arrangements are yet to be announced.
In a compelling social media post that has sparked widespread conversation, Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq., Head of Campaign Communications for Hon. Ken Agyapong, delivered a moving tribute to the presidential hopeful’s entrepreneurial journey, from hawking on the streets of Accra to building a business empire.
Titled “The Entrepreneur They Never Saw Coming…”, the post vividly recounts Ken Agyapong’s early days selling in traffic with grit and purpose, long before titles or fame. It highlights the life lessons he learned in the chaos of Accra’s streets, discipline, branding, timing, persuasion, lessons no classroom could teach.
“He was mastering entrepreneurship in its rawest form, without capital, without connections, only grit,” Amoh-Darteh wrote. “What began with a tray would one day become an empire.”
The post has resonated deeply across digital platforms, especially among Ghana’s youth and entrepreneurial communities, who see in Ken Agyapong a leader who understands struggle and hustle, not just policy.
The message underscores the campaign’s broader narrative: that Ken Agyapong is not just a politician, but a product of hard work and self-made success, a candidate who truly understands what it means to rise from nothing.
As the Ken2028 campaign gains momentum, this message is setting a strong emotional tone that positions Agyapong as “the doer Ghana needs.”
Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever
Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960*
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Dr.Razak KoJo Opoku
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
….Signed….
Dr. Razak Kojo Opoku
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute.Over-reliance on Opinion Polls Always Keep Candidates or Parties in Opposition Forever: Facts about Presidential Elections in Ghana since 1960
Ahead of becoming a Republic, the first presidential election in Ghana was held on 27th April 1960.
Nkrumah won his first attempt in 1960 with 89.07%.
Busia won his first attempt in 1969 with 58.33%
Limann won his first attempt in 1979 with 61.98% after run-off.
Rawlings won his first attempt in 1992 with 58.40%.
John Mahama won his first attempt in 2012 with 50.70%.
Therefore, it is absolutely FALSE to say that no candidate has won the presidential elections in Ghana on the first attempt.
Performance of Vice-Presidents Who contested for the First Time with an Incumbent Government
Atta Mills contested the 2000 presidential election when NDC was in government. He polled 44.54% in the 1st round and 43.10% after the run-off with Parliamentary Seats of 92 out of 200.
NPP had 99 Parliamentary seats.
Professor Atta Mills was the first sitting Vice-President to contest presidential election in Ghana and he did very well pushing the election to 2nd round and eventually securing 92 Parliamentary Seats, competing fairly against the 99 Parliamentary Seats of NPP won in 2000 general election.
Atta Mills did extremely well for the NDC in the 2000 presidential election because:
(a). NDC had been in power for 8 years.
(b). Mills was a Vice-President to Rawlings for ONLY one term, from 1996 to 2000.
(c). NDC was fully characterized by heavy divisions, apathy, and exiting of several leaders because of the unpopular decision of the Swedru Declaration by Rawlings.
John Mahama contested the 2012 presidential election when NDC had been in government for one term from 2009-2012, and he won convincingly with 50.70% and 148 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats, while NPP managed to secure 122 Parliamentary seats.
John Mahama was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election and won on his first attempt.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia is the third sitting Vice-President to have contested a presidential election in 2024 after Mills and John Mahama respectively in 2000 and 2012.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia polled 41.75% (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) and 88 Parliamentary Seats with Ablekuma North Constituency still pending. Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia served as a sitting Vice-President for 8years. He was also well marketed for 16years since 2008 unlike Professor Atta Mills who was a sitting Vice-President for 4years(1996-2000) and marketed as a Running-Mate for only 4years from 1996 to 2000, and John Mahama who was sitting Vice-President for 3years(2009-2012) and marketed as a Running-Mate for 4years(2008-2012).
However, John Mahama polled 56.42%(275 out of 276 declared Constituencies) with an unprecedented and historic parliamentary seats of 183 with Ablekuma North still pending.
Would the outcome of Ablekuma North move Mahama to 57% and Dr. Bawumia to 38.2% as alleged by some critics? We would wait for that official determination by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
From the aforementioned data, it is very authoritative and essentially profound to conclude that both Professor Atta Mills, and John Mahama PERFORMED BETTER than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in presidential elections as sitting Vice-Presidents:
Mills lost 2000 and 2004 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 881,139 and 673, 706.
John Mahama lost 2016 and 2020 presidential elections with respective votes difference of 984,570 and 517,405.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election with votes difference of 1, 714,179(275 out of 276 Declared Constituencies).
This is the first time a ruling Party has lost with such margin since 1960.
Even if you compared the result of 1, 714,179 to the performance of NPP in 1992 and 1996, it means that in terms of REAL FIGURES (not percentages):
Professor Albert Adu Boahen performed better in 1992 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
Albert Adu Boahen in 1992 lost with a vote difference of 1,118, 371, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,706(that is, a difference of 595, 808 votes).
John Agyekum Kufuor performed better in 1996 than Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 1996 lost with a vote difference of 1, 264, 880, far less than Dr. Bawumia’s loss of 1, 714,179(that is, a difference of 449, 299 votes).
For NPP to win or improve its performance in 2028, a lot of proper thinking, strategies, absolute unity and right leadership from Bottom-Top are required. It should be about the interest of the Party at the detriment of individual presidential ambitions.
Performance of Candidates Who Contested for the First Time as Opposition Leaders
Professor Albert Adu Boahen contested in 1992 Presidential election with 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats.
Due to the dissatisfaction with ballot rigging in the 1992 presidential election, Professor Adu Boahen and NPP boycotted the 1992 Parliamentary election.
Professor Albert Adu Boahen was defeated by John Agyekum Kufuor in the presidential primary of NPP ahead of 1996 general election largely due to his poor performance of 30.29% and 0 Parliamentary Seats in 1992.
John Agyekum Kufuor contested the 1996 presidential election with 39.67%(approximately 40%) and 61 Parliamentary Seats out of 200 Seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor was able to defeat Nana Akufo-Addo and others in 1998 ahead of 2000 general election largely due to his significant average performance of 39.67% and 61 Parliamentary Seats in 1996.
Therefore, it is absolutely ridiculous and highly unprofessional to compare ‘Opposition Defeat’ Data( 1992 & 1996) in percentage preference to ‘Incumbent Defeat’ Data (2024) in percentage preference.
Using the percentage data of 2024 defeat of NPP(party in government) to correlate with the percentage defeat data of NPP in 1992(party in opposition for 20years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972), and 1996 (party in opposition for 24years after Kofi Abrefa Busia was overthrown in a military coup in 1972) is a very dishonest way of matching data.
Again, candidates, Albert Adu Boahen and John Agyekum Kufuor contested against Jerry John Rawlings, a military President of 11years who had just rebranded himself as a Civilian Democrat prior to 1992 & 1996 elections coupled with an inexperienced Electoral Commission of Ghana.
Performance of Candidate Who Contested the First Time Without Being a Sitting Vice-President
Nana Akufo-Addo is the only candidate who has contested a presidential election for the first time without being a sitting President unlike Rawlings in 1992, and a sitting Vice-President unlike Professor Mills in 2000, John Mahama in 2012, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024, though his Party was in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo contested the 2008 presidential election with 49.13% in the first round, and 49.77% after run-offs. Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 general election with a difference of ONLY 40,586 votes. This is a defeat but with dignity, glory, and honour for the Elephant Family.
However, Professor Mills in 2000, lost the general election with a difference of 881,139 votes.
Akufo-Addo had 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats, while NDC had 116 Seats after 2008 general election.
As an opposition leader, Nana Akufo-Addo polled 47.74% in 2012 presidential election with Parliamentary Seats of 122 out of 275 Seats. Mahama had 50.70% with 148 seats. This was a highly
competitive election in 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo once again lost the 2012 presidential election with a difference of 325,863 votes and 5-4 majority ruling by Supreme Court.
Despite, the narrow defeats of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 and 2012 general elections, Nana Akufo-Addo was subjected to internal presidential primaries in 2010 and 2014 respectively, ahead of the 2012 and 2016 general elections.
In 2016, Nana Akufo-Addo had 53.72% with 169 Parliamentary Seats out of 275 Seats. John Mahama had 44.53% with 106 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo was able to represent NPP thrice based on his electoral performances in 2008 & 2012.
Nana Akufo-Addo defeated John Mahama in 2016 with a difference of 984,570 votes.
In 2020, Nana Akufo-Addo had 51.30%. with 137 Parliamentary Seats out of 275. John Mahama had 47.36% with 137 Parliamentary Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo further defeated John Mahama in 2020 with a difference of 517,405 votes.
Based on electoral performances, it is, therefore, 100% Factual and Accurate to conclude
2024 general election defeat of NPP is the WORST RESULT ever witnessed since Ghana becoming a Republic in 1960.
Conclusion
Some people have argued that there is a transfer of leadership among rival contestants. That is absolutely a half-truth because:
1. Rawlings contested with Adu Boahen in 1992 but handed over to Kufuor in 2001. Rawlings contested against both Adu Boahen and Kufuor in 1992 and 1996 respectively.
Atta Mills contested against Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 but unfortunately handed over to John Mahama in 2012.
Since 1992, the ONLY periods that rival candidates transferred power among themselves were seen in:
(a). 2008, from Kufuor to Mills after competing with each other for 2000 & 2024 presidential elections.
(b). 2016, from Mahama to Akufo-Addo after competing with each other for 2012 & 2016 presidential elections.
(c) 2024, from Akufo-Addo to Mahama after competing with each for 2012 and 2020 presidential elections.
The realistic argument is that, in 2028, should John Mahama compete with Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia for Mahama to hand over power to Dr. Bawumia after the contest?
Leading NPP or NDC to a general election comes with Internal Contest. Presidential candidates who performed even better in previous elections were subjected to internal presidential primaries.
Based on Data, it is not about Familiarity of the face of the Presidential Candidate or the number of times a Candidate is presented for an election, it is rather about the ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE of the Candidate in every election cycle that matters.
NPP, we have a lot of work to do to bounce back stronger for 2028 and beyond. It is not about emotions and blind loyalty to aspirants. Real work is required for our comeback in 2028.
The strategic vision of Dr. Bryan Acheampong (DBA) for the transformation of Ghana is anchored on three(3) pillars, namely:
D- Development in Freedom Policy
The first pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly be based on “Development in Freedom” across all sectors of the economy, especially in accordance with achieving the following:
1. Political Objectives of Ghana (Article 35 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Economic Objectives of Ghana (Article 36 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Social Objectives of Ghana (Article 37 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Dr Bryan Acheampong
Educational Objectives of Ghana (Article 38 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
Cultural Objectives of Ghana(Article 39 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
International Policy of Ghana (Article 40 of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana).
All the provisions of one’s Fundamental Human Rights and Freedom as captured under Chapter Five(5) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Article 1(1) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, that is, upholding and strictly complying with the Supremacy of the Constitution.
Sustainability of absolute Freedom and Independence of the Media as captured under Chapter Twelve (12) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Freedom is the ultimate end goal of national development, and as such, the “Development in Freedom Policy” by Bryan Acheampong would take care of:
1. Economic and Financial Freedom
Political Freedom
Judicial Freedom
Media Freedom
Social Freedom
Intellectual/Academic/Professional Freedom
Freedom of Choice
Freedom of Speech
Freedom of Expression
Freedom of Association.
National Unity and Cohesion
Respect for Diversity dynamics, Equity, and Inclusion
The Development in Freedom Policy of Bryan Acheampong would successfully foster:
1. All-Inclusiveness without any form of discrimination.
Meritocracy as a benchmark for appointing public officials into government.
Solid collaboration with CSOs and think tanks for national development and public sector accountability.
Law and Order
Human Security, IoT Security, Cybersecurity, and Data Security
Operational & Territorial Security
Transparency and Fight against Corruption
2. B-Business Friendly Environment for the Private Sector & Investors
The second pillar of Bryan’s government would strictly and prudently ensure that there is:
1. Massive drive for Private Sector growth and development as enshrined in Article 36(2b & 2c) of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Tremendous promotion of Africapitalism in Ghana, as one of the strategies for accelerating job creation, wealth creation, as well as attracting Foreign Investors into Ghana.
Public-Private Partnerships at no cost to government institutions.
Infrastructural Development and National Beautification Programme(NBP) aimed at boosting tourism as well as achieving environmental sustainability in Ghana.
Inclusive growth and inclusive development across Ghana under the theme, “No Region Left Behind Policy” Proposed by Dr. Bryan Acheampong for a proper equitable national development across Ghana.
Prudent management of economic indicators such as Exchange Rate, Inflation, and Interest Rates aimed at creating the right enabling environment for the business community and investors.
3. A- Advance Economic Ecosystems of Ghana
The third pillar of Bryan’s government would focus on positioning Ghana as one of the economic giants of Africa competing fairly on the global market. This third objective would be achieved through:
1. A well-diversified economy aimed at addressing unemployment and low quality of well-being.
Massive investments into advanced technology leading to the creation of:
(a). Sustainable Digital Economic Revolution(SDER)
(b). Sustainable Food and Agricultural products(SFAP) aimed at achieving food security as well as boosting the export capacity of Ghana.
(c) Sustainable Energy Supply
(d). Environmental Sustainability(ES), addressing the menace of Galamsey.
(e). Sustainable Healthcare Delivery Systems across all the MMDAs in Ghana.
Ghana’s Bright Future is with Bryan.
Issued by:Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
THE NDC’S BARBARISM RETURNS: UNLAWFUL DETENTION OF CHAIRMAN WONTUMI, A DANGEROUS ECHO OF THE NDC’S HISTORICAL MISTREATMENT OF ASHANTIS
William Yamoah, Director of Finance and Administration
In the heart of Ghana’s democracy, the Ashanti region has consistently upheld the values of freedom, justice, and political participation. Yet, we are confronted with a chilling reminder that the NDC have neither outgrown their disdain for Ashantis.
The unlawful detention of Chairman Wontumi, the Ashanti Regional Chairman of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), is not an isolated incident. It is part of a deeply troubling pattern that stretches back decades. This pattern has been historically woven by the National Democratic Congress (NDC) through intimidation, persecution, and calculated attempts to break the spirit of the Ashanti people, simply because they refuse to bow to NDC dominance.
Let the record reflect:
In 1992, when the NDC assumed power under the guise of democratic transition, it was the Ashanti Region that bore the brunt of electoral violence, vote suppression, and military harassment. Communities were invaded, and citizens were brutalized simply for showing loyalty to the NPP.
Economic sabotage and politically motivated harassment targeted several known Ashanti businessmen and women who supported the NPP in 1996. State institutions were weaponised to silence and impoverish the Ashantis and, by extension, the Akans.
Fast forward to 2008, the NDC, returning to power, resumed its subtle and overt tactics to marginalise the Ashanti Region, neglecting critical infrastructure, sidelining development, and targeting pro-NPP individuals for bureaucratic frustrations.
Now, in 2025, the script is disturbingly familiar.
The arbitrary and politically motivated detention of Chairman Wontumi is not just an attack on one man; it is an attack on the entire Ashanti people and its proud tradition of political freedom and loyalty to democratic values.
There is no convincingly legal basis to justify the Chairman Wontumi’s detention. The procedure has not been transparent. The result is a flagrant abuse of power and a clear attempt to provoke fear and suppress political momentum in a region the NDC has always sought to dominate through intimidation and harassment.
We must ask: Why is it always the Ashanti Region, the Ashantis, and the Akans that face this hostility when the NDC is in power? Is it because the region remains a stronghold of resistance against tyranny?
Is it because the people of Ashanti dare to vote for the NDC and speak freely? The history of the NDC indicates a profound animosity towards the Ashantis, and the recent detention demonstrates the persistence of long-standing customs.
Ghanaians must not sit idly. Civil society, the clergy, traditional leaders, and international observers must rise and condemn this political intimidation. Today it is the NPP Chairman in the Ashanti Region. Tomorrow, it could be any successful Ashanti businessperson.
Ashantis should not be intimidated. We respectfully call on His Royal Majesty to come to the rescue of his people from the barbaric leadership of the NDC.
We pray upon His Majesty to demand the immediate and unconditional release of Chairman Wontumi.
And to the NDC: history may have been forgiving, but the people have not forgotten. The Ashanti spirit cannot be caged, detained, or silenced. Not now. Not ever.
RE: FALSE CLAIMS LINKING ME TO CHARLES OPOKU’S STATEMENTS AGAINST HON. KEN OHENE AGYAPONG
My attention has been drawn to a graphic being circulated online, attempting to link me to the views and actions of Mr. Charles Opoku simply because of an old photograph. Let me state emphatically and for the record:
That, the photograph was taken in 2022, during the period I was campaigning to become the General Secretary of our party. Mr. Opoku, like many other party members and well-wishers, visited my office, and we took a picture, as is customary in politics and social interactions.
Lawyer Justin Frimpong Kodua, NPP General Secretary
To suggest that a photograph implies sanctioning or influence over someone’s actions is not only intellectually dishonest but a dangerous precedent that cheapens political discourse. If we begin to interpret every picture as a political endorsement or conspiracy, then nearly every personality in our party would be implicated in every action taken by anyone they’ve ever taken a photo with.
Let us rise above this kind of gutter politics. Our party is built on values, ideas, and service, not whisper campaigns, false associations, and fabricated tensions. I have not, and will never, encourage or condone attacks on any member of our party, including Hon. Ken Ohene Agyapong.
ADVICE TO PARTY FAITHFUL AND MEDIA PLATFORMS
Let us focus on unity, maturity, and principled politics as we head into a crucial election season. I urge all party communicators and sympathizers to desist from divisive tactics and concentrate on the message of hope, development, and transformation that the NPP stands for.
Open Letter To National Chairman & General Secretary
Dear Sir,
Subject: Let’s build a Stronger Party Before electing a Flagbearer: Why NPP Must Reject Top-Down Flagbearer First Proposals.
As a committed member of the New Patriotic Party and in my capacity as Deputy Protocol Director, I strongly oppose the proposal suggesting that the NPP should elect its flagbearer first before electing other internal party positions. This idea not only contradicts our long-standing democratic traditions but also threatens to erode the very foundation upon which our party was built — the grassroots.
Kwabena Frimpong
Undermining Grassroots Participation
The strength of the NPP lies in its vibrant and committed base, starting from the polling stations, through the electoral areas, constituencies, regions and National. Our traditional approach electing party officers from the bottom up ensures that the decision-making power begins with the grassroots. Electing a flagbearer first reverses this structure and effectively sidelines the voice of the grassroots, weakening the democratic spirit that weaken the NPP democratical principles of the party.
Risk of Imposed Leadership
When a flagbearer is elected before the party’s base structures are fully formed or renewed, it opens the door for favoritism, manipulation, and potential imposition of preferred candidates on the rank-and-file.
This top-down method creates a power imbalance, where the chosen flagbearer may unduly influence the selection of party executives at all other levels whom are perceived his supporters eroding fairness and trust in the process.
All prospective aspirants perceived to be anti the Flagbearer would be sidelined in the internal election leading to more division in the party
Conflicts of Interest and Internal Disunity
Historically, the NPP has avoided internal strife by allowing the party to rebuild its structures before choosing its Flagbearer. If we flip the order and select a flagbearer first, we risk deepening factionalism within the party, as aspirants may attempt to use their influence to install loyalists across various levels, rather than focusing on building a united and efficient party machinery.
Institutional Precedent Matters
Our electoral tradition has always prioritized party organization before presidential ambitions. This structure is not only time-tested but also designed to produce a well-prepared, organized, and united front. Changing the process arbitrarily — particularly to favor a few individuals — could set a dangerous precedent where party rules are bent for political convenience.
Organizational Efficiency and Mobilization
A solid and legitimate executive base across all levels is necessary to mobilize effectively for any national election. Without elected local and regional executives, a flagbearer will lack the full support structure needed to launch a cohesive and effective campaign. Electing executives first ensures the flagbearer inherits a functional and representative party ready for battle.
Electing Party Executives before the Flagbearer would enhance check and balances
When the party executives are elected before the Flagbearer, there would be proper check and balances when setting up the National Campaign team and Manifesto committee to avoid a one sided team filled with only loyalists of the Flagbearer but a United campaign team even with members from the Flagbearers opposing teams members.
Finally, as a proud member and servant of this great party, I believe it is in the best interest of the NPP to uphold its tradition of bottom-up leadership selection which has been done from the formation of the party in 1992. We must resist attempts to centralize power and instead trust the structures that have guided us to four(4) presidential electoral victories time and time again. Let us continue to build the party from the grassroots which would be strong, united, and prepared for election 2028 before we choose our next Flagbearer, no one begins building a house by installing the roof before laying the foundation. To construct a solid house, you must start from the ground up not top down.
By Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq.
May 7, 2025
In the heart of the Earth’s embrace, where ancient wisdom converges with untold potential, there lies a country that some might overlook—and yet, one that holds in its soil, air, and soul, the very answers to its own future. Ghana.
To the untrained eye, it may seem like another African country; to the discerning visionaries, however, it is a treasure chest, long ignored. And there stands a man—Kennedy Ohene Agyapong—whose entire being vibrates with the undeniable truth: Ghana is not poor. It is simply waiting to awaken. Waiting for those who dare to see its riches and its promise not as a question, but as an answer.
Kwaku Amoh-Darteh, Esq. Mr.Kennedy Ohene Agyapong
Like the Western Apache elders in Keith Basso’s Wisdom Sits in Places, Agyapong sees that wisdom is not abstract; it sits in the land, in the people, in every corner of the earth beneath his feet. Cocoa, cashew, sugarcane, cassava, rice, and palm nut—these aren’t just crops. They are potential. They are power. They are what Ghana holds within itself, what could catapult the country into the future.
But this is not just about planting seeds. This is about reimagining them. The true genius of Ken Agyapong’s vision lies in his understanding that value addition—transforming raw material into finished goods—will be the beating heart of Ghana’s economic renaissance. He doesn’t just want cocoa beans exported—he wants chocolate bars, he wants oils, he wants products that carry Ghanaian pride and prosperity from the soil to the shelves of the world.
But there’s more. Much more.
What if I told you that Ghana—this nation sitting on the edge of the Gulf of Guinea—is the closest landmass to the very center of the Earth? A place so powerful that the Prime Meridian passes through its shores in Tema. Did you know that Ghana is located a mere five degrees north of the Equator? A geographical advantage so profound, it could easily elevate Ghana from a developing country to a globally recognized hub of tourism, science, and innovation.
Ken Agyapong’s vision takes us here: “If Mount Everest can draw adventurers from across the world, why can’t the center of the Earth draw thinkers, dreamers, and travelers?” Imagine it—a monument in Tema, marking the convergence of the globe’s invisible lines, standing as a testament not only to Ghana’s geographical importance but as a place of global pilgrimage, a beacon of discovery.
This is not some fleeting fantasy. This is a call to action—a reminder that Ghana’s potential isn’t something hidden far away. It is here, nestled in the geography and in the cultural heartbeat of the nation. Ken Agyapong’s focus isn’t just on the future; it’s on rediscovering and reclaiming what was always here, waiting to be recognized.
Yet, as Basso understood, wisdom does not merely sit in the land—it lives in the people. In the very hearts of Ghanaians, who have, for generations, endured and persevered through adversity. Ken Agyapong calls upon this spirit—the spirit of self-reliance, the spirit of innovation, and the spirit of pride. He asks the youth to return to the soil, not in defeat, but as creators of their own opportunities. To him, the true measure of patriotism isn’t just waving a flag; it is about transforming that land into a place where dreams are not only imagined but realized.
Through his ventures—business, education, and philanthropy—Ken Agyapong is proving this vision. He has never merely spoken of what Ghana can be—he has acted. He has built schools, created jobs, and invested in a future that places the power firmly in the hands of Ghanaians.
And so, it is with boldness and clarity that he says: the wisdom that guides us is not found in far-off places. It is found in us, in our will to act, to believe, to build. It sits in the people, in their resilience, in their ability to see beyond the immediate and into the long-term horizon.
In Ken Agyapong, Ghana has a leader who doesn’t just look at what is, but sees what could be. He doesn’t just hear the call of the future—he answers it, with every step he takes.
The question now is: are we ready to listen to the land, to the wisdom sitting in the people, to the promise of tomorrow?
Because when all is said and done, the greatest wisdom isn’t knowing what is already in front of us—it’s understanding the potential that lies waiting to be claimed.
The First Meeting of the First Session of the Ninth Parliament of the Fourth Republic of Ghana commenced on Tuesday, 7th January 2025, and ended on Saturday, 29th March 2025.
The House held Forty-Three (43) Sittings within eleven weeks, performing its deliberative, representational, oversight, and legislative functions, among others.
This Meeting of the First Session was quite long and characterised by many parliamentary-related activities. This article highlights some of the activities during the Meeting under review.
Presentation of Business
Some parliamentary Businesses were carried out, including the presentation of Papers, reading of Bills, presentation of Regulations, Constitutional and Legislative Instruments, referrals to Committees, reports from Committees of the House, Ministries, Departments, and other agencies.,
Rt.Hon.Alban K. S.Bagbin,Speaker A File photo of Parliament
Bills
A total of 18Bills were presented to the House during the First Meeting, namely Electronic Transfer Levy (Repeal) Bill, 2025; Ghana Infrastructure Investment Fund (Amendment) Bill, 2025;Revenue Administration (Amendment) Bill, 2025;Special Import Levy (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Emissions Levy (Repeal) Bill, 2025; Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Growth and Sustainability Levy (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Earmarked Funds Capping and Realignment (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Value Added Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Ghana Gold Board Bill, 2025; Energy Sector Levy Bill, 2025;Ghana Gold Board Bill, 2025; Public Financial Management (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Minerals Income Investment Fund (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Petroleum Revenue Management (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Ghana Cocoa Board (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Public Procurement Authority (Amendment) Bill, 2025; and the Appropriation Bill, 2025. Out of the 18 Bills read, 16 were passed by the House during the Meeting. The passed Bills are the Electronic Transfer Levy (Repeal) Bill, 2025; Revenue Administration (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Emissions Levy (Repeal) Bill, 2025; Income Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Value Added Tax (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Special Import Levy (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Growth and Sustainability Levy (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Energy Sector Levy Bill, 2025;the Ghana Infrastructure Investment Fund (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Earmarked Funds Capping and Realignment (Amendment) Bill, 2025;the Public Procurement Authority (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Minerals Income Investment Fund (Amendment) Bill, 2025;the Petroleum Revenue Management (Amendment) Bill, 2025; Public Financial Management (Amendment) Bill, 2025;the Appropriation Bill, 2025; and the Ghana Gold Board Bill, 2025.
Regulations
OneRegulation, the Environmental Protection (Mining in Forest Reserves) (Amendment) Regulations, 2025, was presented to the House and referred to the Committee on Subsidiary Legislation.
Annual Reports
Four (4)Annual Reports from different Government agencies were presented to the House during this Meeting. They were Annual Reports on the Petroleum Funds for the 2024 Fiscal Year, the Collection and Utilisation of the African Union Import Levy for the 2024 Fiscal Year, the District Assemblies Common Fund for the year 2023, and the Staffing Position of the Office of the President for the Period 1st January to 31st December 2024.
Committee Reports
Seventy-two (72)Committee reports were submitted to the House by various Committees of the House for consideration and adoption. All the reports that were submitted were duly debatedand adopted by the House.
Auditor-General’s Report
The House considered one (1) Auditor-General’s Report. The report was on the Statements of Foreign Exchange Receipts and Payments of the Bank of Ghana (BoG) for the half-year ended 30th June 2024.
Leadership Reports
One report from Leadership on the Formula for the Composition of Parliamentary Delegations,and other Parliamentary Groups and Associations was presented to the House on Tuesday, 25th March, 2025.
Message on the State of the Nation
On Thursday, 27th February, 2025, and in accordance with article 67 of the 1992 Constitution and Standing Order 72 (1), the President of the Republic, H. E. John Dramani Mahama, presented to Parliament a Message on the State of the Nation. Members had the opportunity to make comments in support of the Message of the President.
Ministerial and other Appointments
During the First Meeting, the President nominated 56 persons for appointment as Ministers, Deputy Ministers, and Members of Cabinet. The Appointments Committee held public hearings to vet all the nominees, and they were approved by the House even though the Minority Caucus abstained from some of the approvals. During the public hearing of the Appointments Committee, there were a lot of misunderstandings that led to disruptions. The Rt. Hon. Speaker Alban Sumana Kingsford Bagbinsuspended four (4) Members of Parliament for two weeks andset up a Committee to investigate the chaos during the vetting. The suspended MPs were the Majority Chief Whip and MP for South Dayi, Mr Rockson-Nelson Etse Kwami Dafeamekpor, the Minority Chief Whip and MP for Nsawam-Adoagyri, Mr Frank AnnohDompreh, the MP for Gushiegu, Mr Alhassan Tampuli Sulemana, and the MP for Weija-Gbawe, Mr Jerry Ahmed Shaib.
Presentation of Budget Statement and Economic Policy
In line with article 179 of the 1992 Constitution and section 21 of the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), the Minister of Finance, Dr Cassiel Ato Forson, presented the 2025 Budget Statement and Economic Policy to Parliament on Tuesday, 11th March 2025.
Members of Parliament from both Sides of the House took turns to comment on the Budget Statement and later passed the Appropriation Bill.
Motions
One Hundred and Thirty-four (134)Motions were moved and adopted by the House during the Meeting. The Motions were mainly on the following: Adoption of the Annual Budget Statement and Economic Policy of the Government for 2025, adoption of Committee reports on the 2024 Annual Budget Estimates, motions for Second and Third Reading of Bills, motion to adopt His Excellency the President’s nomination of Ministers and Deputy Ministers.
Questions
A total of fifty-two (52)questions were asked by Members of Parliament and answered by Ministers of State on the floor of the House. Hon Members were furtherallowed to ask supplementary questions relating to the subject matter.
Statements
Ninety-four (94) Statements were made by Ministers and Members of Parliament to commemorate important national and international events, draw the attention of the House to issues of public importance, and Government Policies.
Communication from the President
The House received a total of fourteen (14)Communications from the Office of the President of the Republic of Ghana, John Dramani Mahama,during the Meeting.These communications were to inform the Rt Hon Speaker and the House of the absence of H. E. The President from the country, the nomination of Ministers and Deputy Ministers, and other appointments.
Committee Sittings
The House recordedseventy-three (73)Committee meetings. These meetings were held to consider Bills, vet ministerial nominees, consider budget estimates,and other issues of public concern.
Change in Leadership
On Thursday, 23rd January 2025, the Rt Hon Speaker, pursuant to Order 67(1)(r), informed the House of a communication from the General Secretary of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), designating the following Hon Members to leadership positions on the Majority Front Bench in the Ninth Parliament. Hon. Mahama Ayariga, Majority Leader;Hon. George Kweku Ricketts-Hagan, Deputy Majority Leader; Hon. Rockson-Nelson Etse Kwami Dafeamekpor, Majority Chief Whip;Hon. Comfort Doyoe Cudjoe, First Deputy Majority Whip; and Hon. Richard Acheampong, Second Deputy Majority Whip.
Similarly, there were changes in the Minority front bench, with the following Hon Members assuming leadership positions in the Ninth Parliament. Hon. Alexander Kwamina Afenyo-Markin, Minority Leader;Hon. Patricia Appiagyei, Deputy Minority Leader; Hon. Frank Annoh-Dompreh, Minority Chief Whip;Hon. Habib Iddrisu, First Deputy Majority Whip; and Hon Jerry Ahmed Shaib, Second Deputy Majority Whip.
Adjournment
The Rt. Hon. Speaker Alban Sumana Kingsford Bagbin, the Majority Leader,Mr Mahama Ayariga, and the Minority Leader, Mr Alexander Kwamena Afenyo-Markin made their closing remarks to thank the First and Second Deputy Speakers,MrBernardAhiafor and Mr Andrew Asiamah Amoako and Hon Members for working hard and contributing to the Business of the House during the Meeting.
Even though the First Meeting of the First Session of the Ninth Parliament was scheduled to adjournsine die on Friday, 28th March 2025, the House was officially adjourned sine die by the Rt. Hon. Speaker on Saturday, 29th March, 2025.
