Minister for Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, has mounted a defence of his longstanding scrutiny of presidential travel, describing his actions as a patriotic duty to protect the public purse and uphold the principle of accountability.
Ranking Member on the Defence and Interior Committee of Parliament, Rev John Ntim Fordjour, called on the Foreign Affairs Minister, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, to resign, apologise to former President Akufo-Addo, and support the acquisition of a new presidential jet.
In a social media post on Monday, August 18, Rev Fordjour criticised the Minister and the governing National Democratic Congress (NDC) for what he described as “petty politics” over presidential travels.
In a post on Facebook on Wednesday, August 20, Mr Ablakwa responded to critics questioning his oversight role during his time as Ranking Member on Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee, particularly over his public campaign against former President Akufo-Addo’s use of chartered luxury jets.
“I remain extremely proud of my parliamentary oversight… My principled position has not changed and will not change. It has always been for God and Country,” he declared.
Drawing comparisons with history, Mr Ablakwa highlighted former President Akufo-Addo’s own vociferous opposition, as a Member of Parliament in 2000, to President Rawlings’ plans to acquire a new executive jet.
Referencing the official Parliamentary Hansard of 15th February, 2000, he questioned why similar scrutiny under the Fourth Republic is now deemed objectionable.
“Former President Akufo-Addo didn’t think Rawlings’ jet acquisition should be exempt from prioritisation, prudence, and value for money so what changed when he became President 17 years later?”
Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa
The Minister restated that his objections to former President Akufo-Addo’s US$18,000-per-hour chartering of ultra-luxury private jets were based solely on national interest particularly when Ghana’s official presidential jet, purchased in 2008 under President Kufuor, remained in excellent condition.
He rejected suggestions that he should apologise for his oversight, noting that many Ghanaians had supported his campaign and welcomed the eventual outcome the cessation of chartered travel by the former President.
“I owe no one an apology for leading this consequential and noble oversight to protect taxpayers,” Mr Ablakwa said. “This is a legacy I will forever cherish.”
According to Mr Ablakwa, President Akufo-Addo eventually abandoned the luxury charters from mid-2023 through to the end of his tenure in January 2025, opting instead to rely solely on Ghana’s official presidential jet.
He credited this U-turn partly to his advocacy and partly to the country’s dire economic situation, which necessitated a $3 billion IMF bailout.
The Minister recalled that in June 2021, both the then-Ministers of Defence and National Security confirmed in Parliament that the presidential jet was airworthy with the only objection being its lack of a shower facility, which the Defence Minister, Dominic Nitiwul, oddly highlighted as a concern for the President.
Turning his attention to critics, Mr Ablakwa dismissed recent efforts to discredit his work as laughable and ill-informed.
“It is really comical that the very people demanding I resign are now trying to imitate my efforts — with disastrous results,” he wrote, adding that he had received requests from Ghanaians to “organise a workshop for the disgraced MPs.”
He also condemned what he described as attempts to “whitewash” President Akufo-Addo’s past by pushing false equivalences and undermining genuine oversight.
“The intelligence of Ghanaians should not be underestimated,” he warned. “Attempts to equalise with unscrupulous falsehoods have already failed.”
Mr Ablakwa criticised the Akufo-Addo government’s broader fiscal conduct, referencing the controversial US$97 million spent on the abandoned National Cathedral project, inflated sole-sourced contracts, and what he described as “state capture scandals” that contributed to Ghana’s economic collapse and debt default.
“Had the Akufo-Addo administration listened to some of us much earlier, Ghana could have avoided bankruptcy and the painful financial haircuts we had to endure.”
The Minister concluded his post with a rallying message, saying President Mahama’s new administration would usher in a culture of modesty, accountability, and respect for public funds.
“President Mahama’s government will continue to reset Ghana with truth, modesty, frugality and deep respect for the Ghanaian people. For God and Country.”Source: Emmanuel Tetteh
The High Court in Obuasi in the Ashanti region has dismissed an election petition filed by former Trade and Industry Minister, Kobina Tahiru Hammond, popularly known as K.T. Hammond, against the victory of Godwin Animli Dorgbadzi Dorani in the Adansi Asokwa parliamentary election.
In a ruling on Tuesday, 19th August 2025, Justice Kwabena Twumasi struck out the case and imposed a fine of Gh¢60,000 on Mr Hammond, describing the petition as a waste of the court’s time.
Speaking after the ruling, counsel for Mr Dorani, Richard Andy, said the petition lacked merit and expressed relief that the matter had been resolved.
He noted that the decision would allow the MP to concentrate fully on his parliamentary duties.
K.T. Hammond, who lost his seat in the 2024 general elections after more than two decades as MP, was defeated by Mr Dorani with a margin of 954 votes.
The National Democratic Congress (NDC) candidate secured 14,229 votes, while Mr Hammond polled 13,275.
K.T. Hammond
Dissatisfied with the result, the former Minister filed a petition at the Obuasi High Court on 15th January 2025, challenging the outcome.
However, his repeated failure to appear before the court on three occasions led to the dismissal of the case.Source: Myjoyonline
President John Mahama has declared that the Ghanaian cedi is the best-performing currency in the world this year, as he urged Japanese businesses to seize new investment opportunities in Ghana.
Speaking at the Ghana Presidential Investment Forum on the sidelines of the 9th Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IX) on Wednesday, he said Ghana has restored macroeconomic stability and improved investor confidence.
President John Mahama
“For those of you who know the history of the Ghanaian cedi, it’s been one of the most volatile currencies in Africa, and a few years back, we were said to be the worst-performing currency.”I’m happy to announce that this year, the Ghana cedi has been the best-performing currency in the world,” he stated.
He pointed to falling inflation, recent sovereign credit upgrades, and wide-ranging reforms aimed at lowering the cost of doing business as clear signs of Ghana’s turnaround.“Inflation rose to a high of almost 23% in 2024 and it’s currently down to 13.7% and we expect that by the end of the year to hit single digit.
“And as Simon said, we’ve been upgraded from junk status to B minus with a stable outlook, and I’m certain that in the next review, we’re going to be upgraded again,” he said.Mahama positioned Ghana as a stable, democratic, and business-friendly hub in West Africa, stressing its role as host of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
“So far, almost 50 African countries have signed agreements that allow us to export duty-free, tariff-free into each other’s markets. And once you register your product and it meets all the standards, you can export duty-free and tariff-free into each other’s markets,” he explained.He added that Japanese investors could access a potential continental market of 1.4 billion people.
The former president highlighted recent reforms to attract more foreign investment, including changes to the Ghana Investment Promotion Centre Act.
“Some barriers were put to foreign investment. You had to prove that you had brought in a certain amount of money to be classified as a foreign investor. In the reviewed Ghana Investment Promotion Center Act, we are removing those minimal capital investments.
“This will enable any investor, however little money you have, $100,000 or $50,000, to be able to come in and set up a business in Ghana,” he announced.
Mahama also underscored opportunities in priority sectors such as automobile assembly, agribusiness, energy, and manufacturing.
“Japan has a comparative advantage when it comes to automobile manufacturing. Using the opportunity to be able to export into not only our sub-region, but also into Africa, Ghana becomes a good place for the local assembly of automotive products.
“Already, we have Japanese companies that are based in Ghana and assembling for the local market and also for exporting to the sub-region,” he noted.
On agriculture, he outlined plans for the Volta Economic Corridor, which would use the Volta Lake to irrigate vast lands and host industrial parks for agro-processing.
“We have millions of hectares of land that border that huge lake, and the water can be used to bring about 2 million hectares of land under irrigation.
“But also we intend to establish industrial parks, so that we can process agri products. We can invest in textile manufacture for export into the EU markets, into the American market and other places,” he said.
Mahama further pointed to Ghana’s energy potential, port infrastructure, and growing digital economy as additional incentives for Japanese businesses.
“We also have an important area, which is the digital economy and skills. Ghana has a very young population, English-speaking, and they’re very smart, and quick to upskill in any areas, robotics, AI, fintechs. The FinTech sector is one of the fastest growing in Ghana than in any other African country,” he told investors.
He concluded with a direct call for stronger Ghana-Japan partnerships.“Africa is the next frontier for investment. Most parts of the world are saturated when it comes to investment. Africa is opening up, growing, and is a place that Japan should be looking at.”And so let us marry Japanese position with Ghanaian potential and create a win-win situation for ourselves,” Mahama said.
Recently, the discussion of the electoral performance of NPP in 2024 has been shifted to the theories of Incumbency Advantage, and Incumbency Disadvantage. That is a very good discussion and it is important that we expose the LIES which some people have been spinning to whitewash data in favour of their preferred Presidential candidate.
Incumbency Advantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Advantage typically refers to the benefits that a Presidential candidate of a ruling party has over opposition Presidential candidates when seeking re-election, especially after completing the first term in government.
Some of the benefits of Incumbency Advantage, especially within the first term in government are access to resources, well established donor & sponsor networks, goodwill of the citizens (voters), and greater tolerance & patience levels of the citizens (voters). These aforementioned factors greatly influence the voting patterns, behaviors, and decisions of the voters in favour of the Presidential candidate who is already in government. Incumbent Presidential candidate typically win re-election at much higher rate than opposition Presidential candidates, especially after the end of the 4 year mandate.
Razak KoJo Opoku (PhD)
J. J. Rawlings, John Agyekum Kufuor, John Mahama, and Nana Akufo-Addo enjoyed an Incumbency Advantage Theory under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana. However, let analyze their respective performance in accordance with the Incumbency Advantage Theory
Jerry John Rawlings in 1996
After overwhelmingly winning the 1992 Presidential election with 2, 323, 135 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 189 out of 200 Seats, largely due to the poor decision by the New Patriotic Party (NPP) to boycott the 1992 Parliamentary election, J. J. Rawlings with an incumbent advantage decisively won the 1996 Presidential election with 4, 099, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 134 out of 200 seats.
John Agyekum Kufuor in 2004
After the overwhelming victory in 2000 Presidential election with 3, 631, 263 votes, and Parliamentary Seats of 99 out of 200 seats, John Agyekum Kufuor with an incumbent advantage won the 2004 Presidential election with 4, 524, 074 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 128 out of 230 seats.
John Atta Mills/John Mahama in 2012
After narrowly winning the 2008 Presidential election with votes difference of 40, 586 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo, and Parliamentary seats of 116 out of 230, John Atta Mills unfortunately died on 24th July, 2012.
Due to the unfortunate death of John Atta Mills, John Mahama with an Incumbent Advantage contested the 2012 Presidential election and won with 5, 574, 761 votes, and Parliamentary seats 148 out of 275 Seats.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2020
After overwhelmingly winning the 2016 Presidential election with 5, 755, 758 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 169 out of 275 seats, Nana Akufo-Addo with an Incumbent Advantage won the 2020 Presidential election with 6, 730, 587 votes, and Parliamentary seats of 137 out of 275 seats. The Parliamentary performance of Akufo-Addo in 2020 was poor compared to the 2016 Parliamentary seats he won decisively.
Incumbency Disadvantage Theory And Its Impact On Ghana Elections
Incumbency Disadvantage is typically whereby an incumbent Presidential candidate faces significant difficulties/challenges to win re-election after 8 years in government, especially if the incumbent Presidential candidate is not the sitting President at the time of the general election.
Some of the factors underpinning Incumbency Disadvantage Theory are poorer economic conditions, structural shift in internal party competition, greediness of government appointees, voter’s apathy, failed promises, entrenchment mentality of the Candidate and people within his kitchen cabinet, voter’s impatience, reported cases of corruption, the trustworthy & acceptability of the Presidential candidate, and other factors not mentioned here.
John Atta Mills, Nana Akufo-Addo, John Mahama, and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia suffered defeats in respective general elections largely to the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, however, let’s analyze the magnitude of the defeats in accordance with Incumbency Disadvantage Theory:
John Atta Mills in 2000
John Atta Mills first entry into partisan politics was in 1996 when he was nominated by J. J. Rawlings as his Vice-President.
John Atta Mills first attempt at the Presidency was in 2000 general election and despite Incumbency Disadvantage of being in power for 8 years + 11years of his boss Rawlings’ PNDC regime, John Atta Mills successfully pushed the 2000 presidential election to a run-off (second round) with presidential votes of 2, 750, 124, and Parliamentary seats of 92 out of 200 seats while NPP had 99 out of 200 seats.
NPP won the 2000 Parliamentary elections with only 7 seats difference between them and NDC.
John Atta Mills lost to John Agyekum Kufuor after second round in 2000 general elections with votes difference of 881, 139 between him and John Agyekum Kufuor.
John Atta Mills lost the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary elections with Dignity & Respectable Performance.
John Atta Mills was the first Ghanaian sitting Vice-President under the 1992 Constitution to have contested a national presidential election influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory since his party has been in government for 8 years.
Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008
Regardless of the symptoms of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory, the performance of Nana Akufo-Addo in 2008 general election is the BEST performance witnessed under the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana.
Nana Akufo-Addo wasn’t a sitting Vice-President yet delivered one of the outstanding election results under the conditions of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory(NPP being in government for 8years).
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election to John Atta Mills with 40, 586 votes difference between him and John Atta Mills.
Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 Presidential election after Run-Off (second round) with Tain eventually deciding the winner of the 2008 Presidential election.
Nana Akufo-Addo equally won 107 Parliamentary Seats out of 230 Seats for the NPP while the NDC had 116 Parliamentary seats out of 230 seats. The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2008 general election was 9 Seats.
John Mahama in 2016
The 2016 general was a great political dilemma for the ruling NDC because the party itself has been in government for 8 years suffering under Incumbency Disadvantage Theory yet John Mahama, the NDC 2016 Presidential candidate has been in office as an elected President for 4years who he was to benefit from Incumbency Advantage Theory.
However, the Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8years of a ruling party) worked against John in the 2016 general election.
John Mahama terribly lost the 2016 general election to Nana Akufo-Addo with votes difference of 984, 570 between him and Nana Akufo-Addo.
John Mahama won 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275 seats for the NDC while Nana Akufo-Addo secured 169 Parliamentary seats for the NPP.
The difference between NPP and NDC in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2016 general election was 63 seats.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia in 2024
The expectations for breaking the 8 year cycle was extremely high and hopeful among the supporters of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) largely because there was a firm believe that Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia will always be preferred to John Mahama as far as voters’ preferences were concerned. However, Incumbency Disadvantage Theory (8 years of a ruling party) worked against Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was the second sitting Vice-President to have contested national presidential election under the 1992 Constitution influenced by Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
The only difference between John Atta Mills and Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia was that, at the time of the general elections, John Atta Mills has been a Vice-President for 4 years ahead of 2000 general election, while Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia has been a Running-Mate for 8years and Vice-President for 8 years ahead of 2024 general election.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lost the 2024 presidential election to John Mahama with 1, 714, 179 (275 out of 276 declared Constituencies). Losing an election with almost 2 Million Votes is a very serious historic crisis that the members of NPP shouldn’t consider such performance as normal, whitewashing the data with unintelligent analysis of New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model, and Incumbency Advantage Theory -Incumbency Disadvantage Theory.
2024 was the first time a ruling party has been defeated with such magnitude. John Atta Mills lost the 2000 after second, Nana Akufo-Addo lost the 2008 after second round & Tain declaration, and John Mahama lost the 2016 with 984, 570 votes yet with 106 Parliamentary seats out of 275.
Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia after the 2024 Parliamentary election won 88 seats out of 276 seats while John Mahama won 183 seats out of 276 seats.
The difference between NDC and NPP in terms of Parliamentary seats after the 2024 general election was overwhelmingly 95 seats.
Therefore, some of the people relying on Incumbency Advantage Theory-Incumbency Disadvantage Theory as well as New-Old Candidate Assumptions Model should understand that, DATA & FACTS doesn’t support such lying analysis.
Deficiencies of Incumbency Disadvantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Adekunle Tinubu won the 2023 Presidential residential election of Nigeria in a single round though his Party has been in government for 8years.
William Ruto won the 2022 Presidential election of Kenya after being a Deputy President from 9th April 2013 – 13th September 2022(9years).
Deficiencies of Incumbency Advantage Theory
There are several examples but for the purpose of this Article I will limit myself to:
Donald Trump lost the 2020 Presidential election of United States of America after one term in government(4years)
George Manneh Oppong Weah lost the 2023 Presidential election of Liberal after one term in government(6years)
Issued by: Razak Kojo Opoku(PhD)
Founding President of UP Tradition Institute
The PRINPAG Election Committee is pleased to announce the final certified results of the 2025 National Executive Committee Elections of the Private Newspapers and Online News Publishers Association of Ghana (PRINPAG), held on Tuesday, August 19, 2025 as declared by the Electoral Commission of Ghana.
The Election Committee expresses its profound appreciation to all PRINPAG members for their active participation, patience, and cooperation throughout the electoral process. Your commitment to due process and democratic practice has ensured a smooth, transparent, and credible outcome.
In a statement, the Chairperson of the PRINPAG Election Committee Sir Benedict Asorrow remarked:
“On behalf of the Committee, I wish to sincerely thank every member of PRINPAG for the trust, patience and discipline shown during this election process. We are proud to affirm that the elections were conducted in a free, fair, and transparent manner under the supervision of the Electoral Commission of Ghana. The peaceful nature of the exercise is a testament to the maturity of our Association and the commitment of its members to democratic values.”
We also extend our gratitude to the outgoing National Executive Committee for giving us the opportunity to serve PRINPAG in this capacity. It has been an honour to contribute to the strengthening of our Association’s democratic structures.
As we congratulate the newly elected executives, we respectfully call on all members to extend their full support and cooperation to them in the discharge of their duties. The success of our new leadership depends on our collective resolve to work together to advance the interests of PRINPAG and the media industry at large.
Issued by:
PRINPAG Election Committee
August 20, 2025
MEMBERS OF THE RECONSTITUTED PRINPAG ELECTORAL COMMITTEE
Sir Ben Assorow – Chairman – 0244274186
Alhaji A. R. Gomda – Vice Chairman – 0244826478
Nimatu Yakubu Atouyese – Secretary – 024 599 8282
The Assemblies of God Church in Ghana has instructed its clergy to stop attaching honorary doctorate titles to their names during official and public functions or risk suspension.
The directive, which was communicated to ministers in a circular issued on July 11, stems from a resolution passed by the church’s Executive Presbytery at its May 2024 meeting.
The leadership noted that the decision was consistent with the Ghana Tertiary Education Commission’s (GTEC) regulations on the recognition of academic qualifications.
According to the instruction, pastors who have been conferred honorary doctorates, whether by accredited or unaccredited institutions, are prohibited from styling themselves as “Dr.”.
In addition, ministers with legitimate academic degrees, such as bachelor’s, master’s, or PhD qualifications, have been advised to submit their certificates to GTEC for authentication before they can be formally recognized.
The Assemblies of God further cautioned that ministers who defy the directive or breach GTEC’s requirements will face disciplinary action, including suspension from office.
To set an example, the church cited its General Superintendent, Rev. Stephen Wengam, who last year announced that although he had received an honorary doctorate, he no longer uses the “Dr.” title. Leaders encouraged other pastors to follow his lead to safeguard transparency in ministry.
The announcement comes against the backdrop of GTEC’s heightened enforcement drive against the misuse of academic titles. The most recent case involves Deputy Health Minister and Essikado-Ketan MP, Dr. Grace Ayensu-Danquah, who has been cautioned by the Commission over her use of the title “Professor.”
In a letter to the Chief of Staff, GTEC demanded that she present documentary evidence of her professorial appointment by August 11, 2025. Her lawyers, led by David K. Ametefe, replied on August 8, insisting that she was duly appointed Assistant Professor of Surgery by the University of Utah in the United States. They argued that GTEC had no authority to question foreign appointments and dismissed the Commission’s action as unjustified.
The legal team also warned that if GTEC fails to withdraw its letter within 14 days, they would seek redress in court through certiorari, mandamus, and declaratory relief to defend their client’s reputation.Source:Patricia Boakye
President John Dramani Mahama, in accordance with Article 72 (1) of the 1992 Constitution, and consultation with the Council of State, has granted amnesty to a total of 998 prisoners.
This follows a recommendation of the Prisons Service Council.
The decision forms part of the President’s constitutional mandate to exercise the prerogative of mercy in deserving cases. A total of 1,014 inmates were recommended for amnesty, out of which 998 were approved.
This was announced by the Presidential Spokesperson and Minister of Government Communications, Felix Kwakye Ofosu, who confirmed the decision in a statement.
PROFESSOR AHMED JINAPOR ABDULAI
(DIRECTOR GENERAL)
GHANA TERTIARY EDUCATION COMMISSION (GTEC)
PO BOX MB28, ACCRA
EAST LEGON -TRINITY -IPS ROAD.
Dear Sir,
RE: RESPONSE TO CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING HONOURABLE DR GRACE AYENSU DANQUAH
We act as solicitors for Honourable Dr. Grace Ayensu Danquah and write in response to your recent letters regarding your purported assessment of her academic and professional credentials.
Our client is deeply displeased, not only by the conclusions you have reached, but by the manner in which your letters have been framed. The tone adopted has been abrasive, unnecessarily combative, and in parts, disparaging. The communications, in our respectful view, fall short of the standards of professionalism, impartiality, and courtesy that should characterise the actions of a statutory administrative body established under the Education Regulatory Bodies Act, 2020 (Act 1023).
We note with concern the absence of any reference to defined criteria, published guidelines, or formal standards by which her credentials were assessed. The assessment appears to have been carried out without transparency, and without clear indication of the statutory or regulatory framework relied upon. This lack of procedural clarity raises legitimate apprehension that the process was unguided and influenced by subjective or extraneous considerations.
Most troublingly, your letters have been copied to officials in Parliament and even at the Presidency, creating the impression of misconduct in connection with her tenure as a Parliamentarian and Deputy Minister. These are elective and appointive offices respectively, not positions to which she applied using her academic credentials as the basis for eligibility. It is therefore wholly improper, and potentially defamatory, to circulate such correspondence in a manner that conflates her political service with an unproven dispute over academic titles. This impropriety is further compounded by the fact that your most recent letter was addressed directly to the Chief of Staff rather than to our client, a step that is both procedurally irregular and suggestive of an attempt to escalate a matter of academic interpretation into a political controversy.
Given the posture the Commission has adopted to date, we would not be surprised if you further to place the contents of your correspondence in the public domain, as your actions thus far suggest a greater interest in publicity and theatre than in quiet rigour, fairness, and adherence to statutory mandate.
We also note with dismay the insinuation, whether by direct statement or innuendo, that our client may have used unearned or improperly obtained credentials to secure employment or commit fraud. Such allegations are grave, and in the absence of proven fact and due process, they are prejudicial to her reputation and contrary to the principles of administrative fairness.
Further, there is absolutely no legal or professional prohibition against our client addressing herself as “Professor,” particularly as this is consistent with her recognised academic title in the United States. Your correspondence appears to proceed on a fundamental misunderstanding of the distinction between tenure-track and non-tenure-track faculty positions. The Commission’s apparent view that only tenure-track status entitles an academic to be addressed as “Professor” is erroneous, inconsistent with international academic practice, and an overreach of your mandate. In the United States, from which our client’s title derives, both tenure-track and non-tenure-track appointments may confer the title “Professor,” and your misinterpretation on this point cannot lawfully diminish her right to be addressed accordingly.
In accordance with the duties of your office under sections 2, 3, 4, 7, and 8 of Act 1023, and the requirements of procedural fairness inherent in Ghanaian administrative law, we require that the Commission:
Disclose in full the process followed in arriving at your conclusions, including the specific standards, benchmarks, and legal or regulatory provisions relied upon;
Identify the statutory or regulatory basis upon which you have assumed jurisdiction to assess the credentials of an individual who is not a current administrator or employee of a tertiary education institution;
Clarify the internal and statutory mechanisms for appeal or redress available to persons aggrieved by your determinations, including timelines, procedural requirements, and the forum of appeal;
Set out your interpretation of your mandate under Act 1023 in relation to the verification of credentials of persons outside tertiary education institutions, including whether such an interpretation has been publicly consulted upon or published; and
Provide evidence that our client was afforded the due and well outlined opportunity to be heard and to make representations before your findings and the impugned correspondences were issued.
Section 7 of Act 1023 restricts the Commission’s regulatory functions to the implementation of approved regulations and standards with respect to tertiary education institutions and to the verification of the authenticity of certificates, diplomas and degrees upon request. Section 8 further provides that the recognition and determination of equivalencies of degrees must be conducted “in accordance with the standards and guidelines set by the Commission.”
First, at no point has our client requested that GTEC verify her academic certificates, diplomas, or degrees. Nor has the Commission at any time formally requested to review or verify those qualifications. Had such a request been made, and had the Commission confined itself to that statutory remit, it would have confirmed without difficulty that our client holds academic qualifications from institutions of the highest international repute.
Instead, the Commission appears to have embarked upon an entirely separate and unauthorised line of inquiry, focusing not on the authenticity of her qualifications but on her use of an academic title. This is a matter wholly outside the statutory scope of your verification powers. Rather than acknowledging that a respected academic institution has, in fact, appointed her to a position which confers that title, the Commission elected to issue dismissive and conclusory statements suggesting that she was “no more than a part-time lecturer.” This is an extremely unwarranted and unfounded conclusion, unsupported by any objective assessment or evidence.
Moreover, the Commission has no established processes, guidelines, or comparative frameworks for distinguishing and interpreting academic titles across different countries and jurisdictions. Without such tools, there is no objective or lawful basis upon which to discount or reclassify an academic appointment made by a recognised institution.
The Commission has provided no evidence of any criteria or methodology that could competently differentiate, for example, a Maître de conférences from a Reader, a Professor of Surgery from a Clinical Professor, or a Professeur agrégé (PRAG) from a Professeur certifié. In the absence of such a framework, any attempt to redefine or diminish a foreign-conferred title is speculative, subjective, and ultra vires.
The approach taken here – reacting to media commentary, and apparently even relying on Facebook monikers – is not reflective of an institution exercising its mandate with academic integrity, scholarly rigour, or institutional modesty. It gives the appearance of an ad hoc, slightly vindictive and personality-driven exercise, rather than one grounded in law, evidence, and internationally recognised academic norms. Such an approach cannot withstand scrutiny, whether in the forum of public administration or before the courts.
Internationally, the recognition and use of academic titles is governed by established comparative frameworks, not by ad hoc national reinterpretation. Instruments such as the UNESCO Global Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education (2019) and the Lisbon Recognition Convention require that national bodies respect the formal appointments and titles conferred by recognised institutions abroad, unless substantial differences can be demonstrated.
Similarly, within the European Higher Education Area under the Bologna Process, distinctions between professorial ranks (including Maître de conférences, Reader, Professor, Clinical Professor, and Professeur agrégé) are understood in their national contexts and not redefined by foreign regulators without expert comparative review. In the United States, faculty appointment policies at accredited universities confirm that both tenure-track and non-tenure-track appointments may carry the title “Professor” without distinction in form of address. These frameworks emphasise that recognition decisions must be evidence-based, grounded in comparative academic norms, and made with deference to the appointing institution – none of which appears to have guided the Commission’s approach in this matter.
While it is acknowledged that these international instruments such as the UNESCO Global Convention on the Recognition of Qualifications concerning Higher Education (2019) and the Lisbon Recognition Convention focus primarily on the recognition of academic qualifications (degrees, diplomas, and certificates), their underlying principles are directly relevant by analogy to academic titles.
Where a recognised higher education institution confers both a qualification and a formal academic appointment, the professional title attached to that appointment is an inseparable incident of the credential and the role. Recognition frameworks require that the qualification and its associated academic status be respected in their country of origin unless substantial differences are objectively demonstrated through a transparent and documented process. By seeking to reinterpret or diminish the professorial title conferred by a reputable foreign institution – without any comparative framework or expert basis – the Commission departs from these internationally accepted norms and substitutes personal conjecture for evidence-based evaluation.
It is also noteworthy that the principles of good administration require that statutory bodies act with due courtesy, avoid emotive or accusatory language in official correspondence, and maintain neutrality in the absence of proven misconduct. The accusatory tone of your correspondence, the circulation of these letters to political offices unconnected to the matter, and the confusion over basic academic norms give rise to the appearance of bias and undermine public confidence in the Commission’s work.
We must therefore register our strong disagreement with your conclusions and characterisation of our client’s credentials. Until you have provided the information requested above, the basis and propriety of your assessment remain in serious doubt.
For completeness, we note that we are copying this correspondence to the various individuals and offices to whom your prior letters were circulated, including officials in Parliament and at the Presidency. We do so not because we consider such dissemination to have been appropriate, but because those parties have now been unnecessarily drawn into the matter by the Commission’s own actions. In particular, your most recent letter was addressed directly to the Chief of Staff rather than to our client, an approach that is highly irregular and inconsistent with the principles of direct engagement and procedural fairness. Having involved such high-level offices in an issue that should have been addressed with our client in a professional and discreet manner, it is now necessary that they are fully apprised of the concerns raised herein.
Finally, we request that you respond to this letter within fourteen (14) days of receipt, with full disclosure of the documents, processes, and legal provisions relied upon, failing which our client reserves all her rights to seek appropriate remedies including orders of certiorari and mandamus, as well as declaratory relief to protect her reputation and professional standing.
We trust that this matter will receive your urgent attention and that the Commission will take steps to realign its approach to ensure that its actions remain within the confines of the law and the principles of fair administrative justice.
Yours faithfully,
…………………..
DAVID K. AMETEFE, ESQ.
CC : 1. CHIEF OF STAFF, OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT,
REPUBLIC OF GHANA
For over three centuries, the Golden Stool has been guarded not only by mighty Asante Kings but also by formidable Asantehemaa, whose wisdom, courage, and legacy shaped the destiny of Asanteman.
These are not just names in history, they are mothers of kings, architects of diplomacy, defenders of tradition, and symbols of unyielding strength. Here are our past Queens;
⚫️Nana Nyarko Kusi Amoa – 1695-1722 (27years)
⚫️Nana Nkatia Ntim Abamo – 1722-1740 (18years)
⚫️Nana Akua Afriyie – 1740-1768 (28years)
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom I – 1768-1809 (41years)
•It was during her reign that the Asantehemaa stool was moved from Kokofu to Kumasi, by Asantehene Osei Kwadwo.
⚫️Nana Akosua Adoma – 1809- 1819 (10years)
⚫️Nana Ama Serwaa – 1819- 1828 (9years)
⚫️Nana Yaa Dufie – 1828- 1836 (8years)
⚫️Nana Afia Sarpon – 1836- 1857 (21years)
⚫️Nana Afua Kobi I – 1857- 1880 (23years)
The Queen who vowed to slap the British Governor, Sir Garnet Wolseley with her left hand. When the Governor threatened to claim the Asante Empire as part of its Gold Coast Colony. “I am only a woman, but I would fight the govenor with my left hand”.
Probably, the first Asantehemaa to be photographed at her very old age.
⚫️Nana Yaa Akyiaa – 1880- 1917 (37years
The daughter of Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi I, the mother of Asantehene Prempeh I, she was exiled together with her son to Seychelles Island.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom II – 1917- 1945 (32years)
⚫️Nana Amma Serwaa Nyarko – 1945 – 1977 (28years)
⚫️Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem II-1977 – 2016 (39years)
The mother of the current Asantehene.
⚫️Nana Konadu Yiadom III – 2017 – 2025 (8 years)
The sister of the current Asantehene.
In remembrance of their great legacy, some notable institutions have been named after them.
•Yaa Achiaa Girls’ Basic School at Bompata, the Oldest Girls’ Institution in the entire middle belt of Ghana was named after Asantehemaa Nana Yaa Akyiaa.
•Konadu Yiadom Basic School at Ashtown and Konadu Yiadom SHS at Agona Asaman was named after Asantehemaa Nana Konadu Yiadom I, II and III.
•Serwaa Nyarko Girls’ SHS at Dichemso was named after Asantehemaa Nana Serwaa Nyarko.
•Afua Kobi Ampem Girls’ SHS at Trabuom was named after Asantehemaa Nana Afua Kobi.
Ranking Member on the Defence and Interior Committee of Parliament, Rev John Ntim Fordjour, has called on the Foreign Affairs Minister, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, to resign, apologise to former President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, and support the acquisition of a new presidential jet.
In a social media post on Monday, August 18, Rev Fordjour criticised the Minister and the governing National Democratic Congress (NDC) for what he described as “petty politics” over presidential travels.
“Mr Principle, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, Ghana, is expecting your resignation. NDC must apologise to Ghanaians and Prez Akufo-Addo for doing petty politics with presidential travels,” Rev Fordjour wrote.
Rev John Ntim Fordjour
He argued that safety concerns surrounding the presidential aircraft were too critical to be politicised and demanded a more pragmatic approach to addressing the issue.
Rev Fordjour further urged the government to act boldly by submitting a proposal for the purchase of a new presidential jet to guarantee the President’s security and dignity during international assignments.
“Govt must be bold to submit a proposal for the acquisition of a new Presidential Jet for the President’s safety,” he insisted.
His comments come against the backdrop of renewed debate over the state of Ghana’s presidential aircraft, with critics questioning its reliability.
Rev Fordjour maintained that national interest must override political point-scoring, stressing that the safety of the Head of State should be treated as a matter of urgency.Source: Ernest K. Arhinful